Passing bull 191 – The people and the crowd

 

 

When people come together to vote for parliament or to serve on a jury – rather similar exercises – we feel good about each other.  But if we see them come together as a lynch mob, we are revolted.  We are revolted because people following the herd instinct are behaving more like animals than human beings.  Most of us are very worried about the crowds behind the gillets jaunes in France.  People have there taken to the streets not just to protest against government but to try to bend the government to do its will.  That is a plain denial of parliamentary democracy.  That kind of government can only work if the overwhelming majority of people accept the decision of a majority.  But ever since 1789, the French have claimed the right to take to the streets to stop government taking a course they do not like.  The result is that France has not been able to push through unpopular reforms in the same way that Germany and England did.  And the result of this triumph of the people is that the people are a lot worse off.  That in turn leads to the gillets jaunes and to the President’s not being able to implement the reforms for which he was elected.  And so the cycle goes on – until one morning the French get up and see a scowling Madame LePen brandishing a stock whip on her new tricoleur dais.  She will have achieved the final vindication of the crowd – the acquisition of real power by real force.

The Bagehot column in The Economist this week is headed ‘The roar of the crowd.’  It begins: ‘The great achievement of parliamentary democracy is to take politics off the streets.’  Well, the English achieved that – but not the French.  The article goes on to refer to street protests being invoked to express ‘the will of the people.’  That bullshit phrase is or should be as alien to the English as it is to us.  It is dangerous nonsense advanced by people over the water like Rousseau – one of most poisonous men who ever lived – Robespierre, Stalin, Mussolini, Franco, and Hitler.

The article also refers to social media –the worst misnomer ever – as ‘virtual crowds online.’  It quotes an 1895 book The Crowd; A Study of the Popular Mind as saying of crowds that they show ‘impulsiveness, irritability, incapacity to reason, the absence of judgment of the critical spirit, the exaggeration of sentiments’ and says that the crowd debases the ordinary person – ‘isolated he may be a cultivated individual; in a crowd, he is a barbarian.’  That is because he has handed over the keys to his own humanity.  All this is just as spot-on for social media as it is to those whom Farage whipped up against Muslims, or those for whom Trump did the same, or those who marched last night in favour of Brexit and did so to a ghastly drum-beat that made them look so much like the English fascists from the 1930’s.

For our system to work, people have to show at least some restraint and toleration.  At least two forces are in my view at work in Australia working against us and in favour of the herd instinct of the crowd.  One is social media.  The other is the Murdoch press.  The first is obvious.  As to the second, a New Zealand observer said there were two reasons for the immoderate restraint and toleration of their government to a crisis of hate – the leadership and empathy of the leader of their government, and the absence of the Murdoch press.  In Australia, Sky News after dark regularly parades Pauline Hanson while Bolt and others defends her and while in The Australian columnists attack Muslims as jihadis in something like a frenzy.  And it was just a matter of time before they spitefully turned on the New Zealand Prime Minister and the ‘Muslimist Aljazeera’ – and of course those middle class pinkos at Fairfax and the ABC.

The people behind social media and the Murdoch press are wont to preach about freedom of speech.  The sad truth is that they go to the gutter for the same reason – for profit.

Two more points.  The current disaster in England started when they went and tested ‘the will of the people’ and got an equivocal answer – yes, leave, but on what terms? – with a majority too slim to permit a simple solution to a difficult problem to be found and implemented.  Now we have the awful and degrading spectacle of parliament behaving worse than the crowd.  And people who got where they are on a vote from the people are with a straight face saying that it would be wrong to ask the people again now that everyone knows what lies were told and who has been the worst behaved.  Indeed, their Prime Minister says a second vote would be a ‘betrayal of democracy.’  Some say an election would be better – when both major parties are hopelessly splintered and there is no reason at all to think that a reconfigured group of those responsible for the present mess might do better.

The real betrayal of democracy has taken place in America.  Trump appealed to the crowd to reject the ‘elites’ – people who know what they are doing.  Neither he nor almost everyone in his government has any idea about governing.  But his betrayal is more elemental.  A President is elected, as Lincoln said ‘of the people, by the people, for the people.’  Trump could not care less about the people.  He is only interested in that ghastly minority that is called his ‘base.’  And since he thinks his base wants him to abandon affordable health care, he will try to kill it.  And to hell with the people.

It’s not just that the policies of people like Farage, Hanson and Trump are revolting – it’s the people they get to work with them that are also revolting.

It looks like the hour of the crowd is with us again and it may never have looked worse.

Bloopers

But Trump bends history to his will.  May simply bends under the will of others.

The Weekend Australian, 30-31 March, 2019.  Mr G Sheridan

It is an interesting view of the strong man.  Amazingly, the editorial was even sillier.

Mad and bad leaders

Trump and Putin have three things in common.  Their focus on themselves means that they could not care less about others.  They have no friends, but they are surrounded by frightened sycophants who do not and could not curtail them.  And they are coming undone because their pride and stupidity led them into losing wars and their want of care for others meant that they had conscience to constrain them.  While very few foresaw the misery that Russia would endure, in a war that has gone on longer than the First World War, even fewer did not foresee how badly the aggression of the United States would cause it loss and damage.

The indifference of these two men to the fate of others led me to look back on what I wrote about two war-mongers more than ten years ago.  The subjects of that extract – in a history of the twentieth century – were of course very different men.  But perhaps we might get some assistance in looking at the mess the world is now in by reflecting on them.

The extract follows.

***

Napoleon and Hitler Compared

Many, many millions of people died because of these two men – it is hard to imagine a woman playing the part of either – yet one does, by and large, now enjoy a better reputation than the other.  What did they have in common?  How were they different?  Was one just as bad as the other?

Both of these men came from out of town.  The Emperor of France was a Corsican.  The Leader (Fuhrer) of Germany was Austrian.  No one wanted Corsica – the British took it twice and handed it back.  Bonaparte was born the year after the Genoese had sold Corsica to the French so that he became a French citizen.  Austria’s glory days as the heart of the Holy Roman Empire were well and truly spent by the time that it spawned Hitler and Vienna was giving its name to the end of an era.

They both came from unprepossessing stock.  The family of Napoleon had some claim to ancient minor nobility in Tuscany, but they had become a family of lawyers in the lawless sea town of Ajaccio on Corsica.  The Morning Post described Bonaparte, as he was then called, ‘a Mediterranean mulatto.’  Hitler was the son of a customs official born as Alois Shicklgruber whose father was the son of an illegitimate housemaid.  Adolf was the fourth child to his third wife, Klara Polzl.  The first three children died in infancy.  Hitler was born on a chilly Easter Saturday on the Austrian side of the border.  He attended a school in Linz with Ludwig Wittgenstein.  So, the fate of many millions of people turned on what year Napoleon happened to have been born in, and which children of Alois Shicklgruber and Klara Polzl happened to survive.  Like flies to wanton boys are we to the gods.

They were both short – Napoleon was about five feet five, and Hitler five feet eight.

Napoleon attended military college and an officers’ academy, and became a professional soldier.  He was forty-second out of fifty-eight at military school.  His life was, by his lights, one of perpetual ascent.  Hitler was a drop-out and draft-dodger.  He was a slow learner and he had to repeat many subjects at school.  He was twice rejected as an artist by the Vienna Academy, and he burned with resentment about that for the rest of his life.  If asked what he would do for a living, Hitler would say that he would become a great artist. 

If Napoleon was driven by ambition, Hitler was driven by a lust for revenge.  He never held down a real job.  The highest rank of the mighty war lord was that of Corporal – only one is lower.  He was denied promotion because his superiors ‘could discover no leadership qualities in him.’  You can get an argument about whether the Leader had leadership, or just the power to hypnotize one on one, or, better, a mass audience.  He was more of a magician than a leader.  There is no doubt about the power of Napoleon to lead his generals, officers, men and people.  For better or for worse, he was a great leader.  Napoleon was however guilty of the one unforgivable crime of a commander – twice.  He abandoned his army in the sands of Egypt and in the snows of Russia.  He had no business to be in either, but he was, as Hitler would be, a very poor loser.  The general that Napoleon left in charge of the doomed army in Egypt sad that ‘he had left us avec ses culottes plein de merde’.

They were two of the worst liars that the world has known.  Truth did not matter.  Nor did their word.  They treated pacts and treaties like invitations to a ball.  Either would have had trouble being admitted as a guest in, much less being elected as a member of, a gentlemen’s club.

Neither was religious.  Neither had any room for God, and each dedicated his life to repudiating the Sermon on the Mount line by line, word by word.  Napoleon said that he had had no religion since the age of nine when he heard a preacher insist that his hero, Julius Caesar, was burning in hell.  Hitler read Nietzsche and characteristically referred to ‘the effeminate Judaeo-Christian pity ethic.’

Napoleon had the normal sexual appetite of a Latin.  Napoleon’s appetite was at least equalled by that of his Anglo-Irish nemesis, his grace, the Duke of Wellington, but according to his most recent biographer, Napoleon was notoriously as quick in bed as he was at the dinner table.  Hitler had next to no sex life.  He was involved with three women.  All were much younger than him.  Two killed themselves (one, Eva Braun, on the second attempt) and the third tried to kill herself.  But Eva Braun was not subjected to the humiliation that Josephine was – Napoleon would shoot at swans in a park to torment her.  Like Henry VIII, he would abandon his wife for a more fertile model.

Everyone who dealt with Napoleon said that he had an intellect of immense power.  Hitler may have had some rat political cunning, but no one could describe the author of Mein Kampf as having any intelligence whatsoever. 

They both impressed people who met them with the power of their personality.  Napoleon enjoyed a soldiers’ rapport with his troops.  Hitler was famous for his cool blue-eyed stare.  Eden said ‘Without doubt the man has charm.’  (Lord Halifax, on the other hand, mistook Hitler for a footman.)  Yet both were extremely nervous men.  They could both dissolve into mumbling or bawling or raving wrecks.  A man close to Hitler spoke of ‘convulsions of weeping at all emotional crises’ and made the literate observation that ‘Dostoyevsky might well have invented him, with the morbid derangement and pseudo-creativeness of his hysteria.’  Hitler said that he had seen Gotterdammerung – the final part of Wagner’s Ring Cycle – over a hundred times.  He played it constantly on the gramophone during the war.  It is The Twilight of the Gods.  It takes more than four hours and it ends in the bathos of ritual suicide after Siegfried – who talks to the birds – is finally put to sleep (to the infinite relief of at least some of the audience).

They both thought women were inferior and only good for sex and having children.  When presented with a terrified actress, the Emperor said: ‘Come in.  Undress.  Lie down.’  The idea of equality – what the Revolution was about – for women in France was as silly as equality with blacks in America.  ‘Woman is our property…. just as the fruit tree belongs to the gardener.’  Hitler said there was ‘no worse disaster than to see them grappling with ideas.’  He told Speer in the presence of Eva Braun that a ‘highly intelligent man should take a primitive and stupid woman.’  Hitler waited to the end for the one chivalrous gesture of his life.  He married Eva Braun before they killed themselves.  The marriage was not consummated.

Neither had any real friends.  Napoleon showed a Corsican clan loyalty to his family and occasionally to his wife.  (Hitler said that Corsicans were like Scots in their clan loyalties.)  Napoleon had an annoying habit of parcelling out the European cake among his family.  Napoleon’s first wife sought to match his infidelity, and he is said to have had at least sixteen mistresses.  Sex for him was like war.  Its sole purpose was to give him satisfaction.  He was equally impersonal about both.  Hitler was polite to his secretarial staff and he was good to his dog.

Both had a foul mouth and vile temper.  They could both throw the tantrums of a spoiled child.  In truth, both resembled spoiled children when they were in power.  Napoleon was far more given to acts of personal violence than Hitler.

Neither smoked.  Napoleon did not drink to excess, and Hitler was a teetotaller.  Napoleon liked a roast chicken preceded by soup washed down with Chambertin and coffee, and occasionally a Madeira.  Hitler lived on vegetable soup and nut cutlets.  He liked Wagner, pulp fiction, and movies.  The imperium made the Emperor fat.  The Fuhrer got more gaunt, and suffered badly from wind.

Hitler thought the Aryans were superior racially, and that Jews were beneath contempt and should be purged from Europe.  Napoleon was not racist.  Millions died to satisfy his ego, but he did not set out to murder a race.  Napoleon positively sought to remove disabilities and abolish ghettoes.  He was in this respect a product of the Enlightenment; the Fuhrer harked back to the worst kind of German Romanticism and what Churchill called ‘the lights of a perverted science.’  He was in truth seeking a new dark age, and his hatred must have derived from some very deep and very great fear.

Napoleon did not betray feeling inferior, but Mein Kampf is shot through with respectful nods to England?  Napoleon was much more vain personally.  He wrote to the Vatican: ‘I am Charlemagne, for like Charlemagne I join the crown of France with the crown of the Lombards…. I shall do no damage if the pope behaves.  Otherwise I shall reduce him to the status of bishop of Rome.’

Both wanted to do a deal with England to give them a free hand elsewhere.  Both sought to invade England but were thwarted by the British Navy.  Bonaparte ranted at the English ambassador for two hours, and asked him why they could not come to an arrangement.  ‘His Britannic Majesty merely wishes to protect his rights and has no wish to join in plunder and oppression.’

Both dreamed of conquering India.

The Establishment looked down on each at the beginning of his rise.  They got and retained popular support while their luck held and they were winning.  The Establishment in each case realized too late that they had a tiger by the tail.

Napoleon got to the top because there was a yawning power vacuum after the overthrow and he had the drive and military and political knowhow to seize the opportunity and fill the gap.  Hitler filled the gap and got to the top in the same way as Richard III – by seduction, deceit, terror, and murder: in roughly that order.  The only skill he had was as a magician with the public. 

It is absurd to say that Hitler came to power lawfully.  He got there by deceit and violence.  He maintained a private army to wage war on his opponents in the belief that when he got power he could kill them all.  He was correct in saying his was a revolution – it was just another lie to say that he did it constitutionally.  Hitler never got to fifty per cent of the vote in an electoral contest.  The Brumaire coup of Napoleon was superficially legitimate, but it was a coup.  Bonaparte could only get the numbers after the army had dealt with the opposition.

Because he was indifferent to truth, each could invest hugely in propaganda.  Bonaparte made Blair-like advances in the black arts.  He did not speak of propaganda but ‘management of opinion’ (direction de l’opinion).  Newspapers were left with those ‘attached’ to the Emperor and who had the ‘good sense’ not to publish material ‘damaging to the nation’.  Those who lacked that sense would be fired and, in bad cases, shot.  Not just opinion but emotions were managed.  Austerlitz did not generate much enthusiasm, and Jena even less, but Bonaparte thought he was at the top of his game.  When police reports showed enthusiasm for war was on the wane, officials were instructed to ‘facilitate the explosion of enthusiasm.’ 

This indifference to truth was matched by an indifference to the well-being of others.  Both played a game in which the pieces were living people.  As an example, when Bonaparte was champing to get at England from Boulogne, he ordered a reluctant admiral to set out an on exercise in rough weather.  Between 200 and 400 Frenchmen died needlessly as a result.  That cruel folly would be enough to bring down a government now.  Bonaparte wrote to Josephine romantically about it.  ‘The soul was between eternity, the ocean, and the night’.  He said he had lived through a ‘romantic or epic dream.’  He would get used to dealing with death by the thousand and million.

This utter indifference to others was a function of their concentration on themselves that led them to see themselves as cult figures.  Here Bonaparte may have outdone Hitler.  He instituted the Feast of Saint Napoleon, although he modestly declined Easter or Corpus Christi for the date.  He instituted an imperial catechism.  He was ‘the one sent by God’ and anyone failing in their duty to him would ‘render themselves worthy of eternal damnation.’  The Germans were not offered a Feast of Saint Adolph. 

Hitler had the same contempt for the church as Napoleon but unlike him, Hitler was less prepared overtly to proceed in concert with the church.

Each ran a police state at home to secure his personal rule, but Fouché was no Heydrich or Himmler.  Each nation was infested with informers, and no people in history has respected informers.  During the mass celebrated during his consecration, Napoleon had the French bishops swear to reveal anything that might be organised against the state in their dioceses, and so made them his informants.  The pope was made to look small in the ceremony, but he had bought in and sold out beforehand.  But after Robespierre – whom Napoleon supported in his salad days – France was not a terror state.  Nazi Germany was the paradigm terror state.

Both boosted the economy at the start but both left their nations smoking bankrupt ruins starved of manpower and treasure.  France, however, was not punished for its aggression to the same extent that Germany would be.

They both knew how to appeal to the crowd – they knew the value of symbols and parades.  The coronation of Napoleon had more costume and pantomime than Hitler’s Nuremberg rallies.  Napoleon brought back the aristocracy and made himself emperor because, he said, it was by such baubles that the French were moved.  (Wellington said Napoleon sought to distract Paris from the Russian debacle by ordering the high-kick dancers at the Opera not to wear drawers at which point the good ladies of Paris drew the line.)  Hitler murdered Rohm and downgraded the SA so that the SS and Gestapo would be supreme.  Hitler, too, went in for fantastic pantomime of the kind enjoyed by seven-year-olds.  The SS had Death’s Head insignia.  If the French had the appalling David, a regicide painter turned propagandist, the Germans had Wagner.  Both were pinnacles of Romantic Will.  Speer said that the Third Reich was ‘only an opera.’  Wagner’s music for the death of Siegfried was played at the funeral of the evil Heydrich.  It could have been written for that event.

Napoleon was a military genius, perhaps the greatest ever.  Hitler never got beyond Corporal after evading arrest as a draft dodger and being found unfit for military service.  In the war, after initial successes, Hitler became the Allies’ greatest asset.  His easy conquest of France was like the sucker-bait of a big win for a tyro gambler at the casino.

They were both thieves and robbers who exalted in plunder.  Their generals and mates all got filthy rich.  In all the blood and thunder, people forget how shockingly corrupt and venal these regimes were.  They enjoyed rapine on a scale not seen since the sacking of Rome.  The main difference was that from the first the Nazi party was led by perverts and misfits who were the scum of the earth.  The Nazis spoke openly of ‘planned corruption’.  They were hoodlums and sadists in uniform, just the sort who could only abuse any form of power – like their leader.  The shame of the Germans is not that they were seduced – that happens to all of us – but that the great nation should have been taken in and taken down by such cheap, common lowlife. 

Napoleon did not use slave labour as Hitler did, but he made laws allowing its resumption in parts of the empire, and in time almost all his armies were raised by conscription.  Very few of the millions of French soldiers who died for him had joined the army voluntarily.

Each had the perfect right to be seen as Antichrist, but the Vicar of Christ did deals with each.  Napoleon reversed revolutionary laws against the church and established the Catholic Church as the religion ‘of the majority of the French.’  Napoleon saw the church as an instrument of government and the opium of the masses.  He showed his contempt for the pope by putting the crown on himself.  A Bavarian Cardinal wrote a letter by hand to Hitler congratulating him on the Concordat: ‘May God preserve the Reich Chancellor for our people.’  Hitler replaced the cross with sword and the bible with Mein Kampf.  He had neutralized the church and vowed to destroy it.  The contempt for the church of Goebbels and Hitler knew no bounds.

Napoleon may have had some residual sense of honour and decency.  By and large he avoided grudges and vendettas.  (This was a real achievement for a Corsican – the killing of the Duke of Enghien – more of a blunder than a crime – was out of character.)  Hitler had no honour or decency.  His word meant nothing, and he murdered whoever got in his way.  The Night of the Long Knives was entirely in character.  Hitler and Stalin were near to perfection in their amorality.  But Napoleon hardly honoured one treaty that he signed, and he said that he could judge the mettle of a man by the way he lied.  And the world must never forget the war crimes perpetrated by France during the guerrilla war in Spain. 

Goya will not allow the world to forget.  We are revolted that in retaliation for the assassination of Heydrich, Hitler levelled Lidice to the ground, and shot or enslaved its inhabitants.  When the people of Spain rose up on 2 May, 1808, Murat, one of Napoleon’s best Marshalls, ordered all prisoners taken with arms to be shot, any person owning a weapon to be arrested and shot, any assembly above seven to be dispersed by gunfire, any person handing out seditious papers to be shot as an English agent, and any village in which a French soldier had been killed to be burnt to the ground.  In Madrid the French gave orders that 5000 be grabbed from anywhere and shot.  A lot of the mass murders were committed outside the Prado.  Goya’s masterpiece The Third of May stands testimony to the bestiality of France.  Marshall Ney said that it was a ‘war of cannibals.’  The French said that the ‘rebels’ were ‘terrorists’.  At Burgos, an officer stopped fifty French soldiers gang raping a woman, but no one stopped them pillaging the cemetery leaving decomposing bodies and skeletons on the footpath.  An army living off the land must be brutalised.  Like the Germans in the next century, the French would find out how brutal the Cossacks would be in revenge.  The propaganda of Hitler and Bonaparte in retreat before vengeful Russian peasants is nearly identical – and true.

Napoleon was what we now call a workaholic.  He was tireless and a natural administrator.  Although he did not like what the Revolution may have led to, he did stabilize the ship of state.  The Code Napoleon is just one lasting bequest to France.  Hitler was possibly the laziest and most inept civil servant in the history of Germany, and the Germans would want to forget who first gave them a VW or an autobahn.

Both were enslaved by their ego and ambition.  Napoleon was at least capable of a vision that some ‘Romantically’ inclined found attractive.  There was nothing ever attractive or positive about Hitler.  Each was only made possible by the self-induced collapse of the previous regime, but Napoleon could at least claim to have been defending the ‘natural borders’ of France and exporting its liberation.  He had policies for France and Europe.  Hitler had no policy – he just had the Teutonic noise of Wagner and a raging, cosmic hate.

Hitler stood for what Hannah Arendt would come to call the ‘banality of evil’.  Both men built castles in the air, but only Hitler lived in them.  Just as Goebbels said ‘We have reversed 1789’, so Napoleon may have sympathized with him.  He had left his Left side well and truly behind him.  Ultimately both wanted to rule Europe and could not come to grips with the consequences of the fact that Europe would never agree to that.  Not many nations like to be invaded; not many people enjoy watching an army live off their land while its soldiers kill their men and rape their women and rob and burn their houses as exercises in Napoleonic liberation.

Patriotism was one vice they both lacked.  Napoleon looked down on the French.  Hitler never forgave Vienna.  On the third page of Mein Kampf, Hitler says that Austria, the country that bore him, would have to be destroyed.  In the end the Fuhrer betrayed the German people just as surely as Judas betrayed Christ – but he did not surrender the thirty pieces of silver before he killed himself.  Although Bonaparte twice deserted his army, he had to be expelled from France – twice.

The hubris of each met its nemesis in Russia.  The parallels are remarkable.  Each turned on Russia after being thwarted on England.  Both welched on deals with Russia.  Both saw the Russians as inferior beings.  Napoleon invaded Russia as part of his campaign against England.  Hitler forecast the invasion of Russia in Mein Kampf.  The Master Race would kill or enslave the Slavs to get living room in their new world empire.  Both were stopped by England and Russia.  In addition, Napoleon was defeated by Spanish guerrillas.

Each was mercilessly dissected in the House of Commons by a better politician who happened to be Prime Minister of England – Napoleon by Pitt, and Hitler by Churchill.

Each seduced his followers to swear personal allegiance, thus contradicting the biblical wisdom that a servant cannot have two masters.  Napoleon used the oath as part of his legitimation of his place as Emperor.  He deliberately mimed the Roman emperors and Charlemagne.  He got his troops to ‘swear to defend, at the peril of your life, the honour of the French name, your patrie and your Emperor.’  The Wehrmacht sold out when its officers followed the same path.  After his preposterous coronation, during which Bonaparte did not bother to stifle yawns, he distributed golden eagles to his troops.  They swore to sacrifice their lives in defence of those eagles and to maintain them constantly on the road to victory.

Neither was able to contemplate permanent peace.  The fatal flaw in each was the same.  Their ambition or megalomania was insatiable.  The Oxford English Dictionary pleasingly defines egomania as ‘the insanity of self-exaltation’.  The word could have been invented for each of them.  They would never be allowed or able to stop – to be at rest, to be at peace with themselves and the world.  War for them was ontological – their continuing in power depended on military victories, and not just war.  People who cannot stand being alone are very dangerous.  These two were Ponzi schemes dealing in armies and lives rather than banks and dollars.  And no consideration of humanity could ever be suffered to stand in their way. 

Hitler had no conscience at all; Napoleon had had a conscience, but it melted before his ego.  Neither hesitated to conscript children to fight their battles.  In 1814, Napoleon gave a preview of the Gotterdammerung of the Fuhrer when he ordered that Paris had to be evacuated even if this entailed its destruction.

We have wonderful word pictures of each man from contemporaries qualified to speak.  Madame de Stael was the daughter of Jacques Necker, the Protestant banker whose dismissal preceded the fall of the Bastille.  She said this of the Corsican:

I had the disturbing feeling that no emotion of the heart could ever reach him.  He regards a human being like a fact or a thing, never as an equal person like himself.  He neither hates nor loves…The force of his will resides in the imperturbable calculations of his egotism.  He is a chess master whose opponents happen to be the rest of humanity….Neither pity nor attraction, nor religion nor attachment would ever divert him from his ends….I felt in his soul cold steel, I felt in his mind a deep irony against which nothing great or good, even his own destiny, was proof; for he despised the nation which he intended to govern, and no spark of enthusiasm was mingled with his desire to astound the human race.

It is a remarkable portrait that rings true.  At first glance, you might apply the same words to Hitler – but then you see that Napoleon did not hate, so hate could not interfere with his cold calculation.  You could never say that of Hitler – the reverse was the case.

Napoleon was prodigal with the French lives in his charge.  It is easier to be an attacking general if you do not have to worry about your casualties.  Napoleon lost more than 50,000 French troops a year.  The Duke of Wellington lost 6000 a year in his six years in Spain.  His Grace could therefore say:

I can hardly conceive of anything greater than Napoleon at the head of an army – especially a French army.  Then he had one prodigious advantage – he had no responsibility – he could do what he pleased; and no man ever lost more armies than he did.  Now with me the loss of every man told.  I could not risk so much.  I knew that if I lost 500 men without the clearest necessity, I should be brought on my knees to the bar of the House of Commons.

We cannot overstate the importance of this remark.  Napoleon was successful in part at least because he could take risks.  He could take risks because he had no real care for his troops or his adopted nation.  And he was in that position because the government of France was not as advanced in the ways of government as its major enemy. 

People who get misty about the genius of Napoleon forget this.  He said: ‘I have only one passion, one mistress, and that is France.  I make love to her and she never fails me lavishing her blood and treasure on me.  If I ask her for half a million men, she gives them.’  There you have it, a mad, heartless, over-heated Corsican who caused millions to die.

Thomas Jefferson was not taken in by Napoleon.  ‘I consider him the very worst of human beings, and as having inflicted more misery on mankind than any other who ever lived.’  Jefferson also said ‘He totally wanted the sense of right and wrong’, and had destroyed ‘millions of lives….and must have been a moral monster, against whom every hand should have been lifted to slay him.’ 

Victor Hugo was to the point.  The Emperor ‘took the path of glory, took the path of crime, and fell to disaster…like some meteor which did not follow the course of the sun.’

Sebastian Haffner was a law student when the Brownshirts came into his law library and ordered the Jews out.  He got out of Germany with his Jewish wife.  He wrote the following in 1940 – before the fall of France, the invasion of Russia, or the undertaking of the Final Solution.

He is full of a secret cowardly consciousness of inferiority that only serves to nourish a wild love of himself and a wild hatred of the world that has not allowed him to have his own way and does not love and honour his unpleasing person…He justly feels that the instant he loses the supreme power which today protects and renders him invulnerable, he will sink back again where he belongs – into the abyss, which, as he secretly knows, is always yawning for him…

He has the exact kind of courage and cowardice for suicide in despair.  Moreover, this solves another riddle, for it provides the key to his almost unbelievable love of a gamble, with high stakes at that.  Hitler is the potential suicide par excellence.  He owes no ties outside his own ‘ego’, and with its extinction he is released and absolved from all cares responsibilities and burdens.  He is in the privileged position of one who loves no one and nothing but himself.  He is completely indifferent to the fate of states, men, commonwealths, whose existence he stakes at play…So he can dare all to preserve or magnify his power, that power to which he owes the present, and which alone stands between him and speedy death…

As a whole his character, of which the basic traits are resentment and conspicuous bad taste, is uncommonly revolting, ugly, and vile.  Benevolence, generosity, chivalry, humour and even courage are completely lacking.  With no dignity, he is a poor specimen of manly bearing. True grandeur is beyond him.

To repeat, Haffner said all this in 1940.  ‘This is sufficient reason to destroy the man as a wild dog.’  When we see Hitler as a kind of mad dog, we are not basing a judgment on hindsight, since it was open to Germans to reach the same judgment that this German reached in 1940.  For various reasons, they chose not to.  But equally important is that Haffner saw in Hitler what Madame de Stael and Wellington had seen in Napoleon – his ‘success’, such as it was, came because he had no heart.  Ultimately, he did not care for those whom he led.  Napoleon and Hitler may have been the two worst traitors that the world has seen.  They were just manic gamblers who did not care about the stakes.

Their moral crime was the same.  They put themselves above everyone else and they treated others simply as means to ends.  They both sought world dominion and to found a kind of dynasty.  Who was morally the more culpable?  Even God might pause there.  But was ever a more dreadful judgment passed than that ‘He is a chess-master whose opponents happen to be the rest of humanity’?  And did it make one iota of difference to a dead or raped victim that Napoleon went east to ‘liberate’ people whereas Hitler went east to murder and enslave peoples?  If you are being killed or raped, do you inquire what moved the man who sent your killer or rapist to meet you?  Does it make any difference that the mask in front of one murderous ego might be less unattractive than the mask in front of the other?  Did the Russians think that Hitler was somehow worse than Napoleon?  (On my one visit to Moscow, I went to the Kremlin.  My guide was keen to point to the gate that he came in through and the gate that he went out through.  We were not speaking of Hitler.)  The Russia people had not forgotten the rape perpetrated on them by Napoleon.  And rape is what it is when one nation invades another.  Napoleon and Hitler were rapists of nations. 

The moral and political low point of the Weimar Republic came when its judges declined to sentence Hitler to death for his part in a botched putsch in which police were killed.  The judges purred that the corporal and his followers ‘were led in action by a pure patriotic spirit and the most noble will.’  This is just nauseating, but is the attitude of those who would lionise the Emperor completely different?  Bonaparte was not a racist or mass murderer, and he was very successful in generating a romantic aura as a liberator as well as a genius.  But millions died because of him, and, apart from the generations of strife and agony that he bequeathed to France, what is there to show for all that death and suffering?  Has any part of the empire of the French ever thanked them for giving them an emperor or even empire?

In the upshot, more than four million were killed in the Napoleonic wars, and about forty million died in the Second World War.  The arithmetic difference derives from superior engineering, not superior morals.  Bonaparte did not have the Gatling gun, tanks, U-boats, or B 52’s.

At least Hitler managed to kill himself when the game was up.  Napoleon tried but failed before his first exile.  That left him free to return.  Fifty-two thousand men were killed in the Belgian mud of Waterloo so that Boney could celebrate his last hurrah.  Even the greatest Romantic of them all, Byron, was nauseated.

Thine only gift hath been the grave

To those that worshipp’d thee….

And –

Thine evil deeds are writ in gore….

And –

Weigh’d in the balance, hero dust

Is vile as vulgar clay….

The more you think of it, the clearer it gets that the one thing that saves the Corsican emperor from universal damnation is that the Austrian corporal managed somehow to be even worse.  One thing is clear.  Bonaparte was not racist; he would never have descended to genocide by Zyclon B.  But his failure to descend to those depths does not give him immunity from criticism for what he did do.  If John commits three crimes, the fact that Bob commits five does not relieve John from liability for his three.  If John is a murderer, his crime does not diminish because Bob is a rapist as well as a murderer.  Bonaparte raised and brutalised and lost French armies.  How many millions of deaths does a man have to be responsible for before people cease to adore his memory?

The point may bear restating.  Both Bonaparte and Hitler wanted to rule Europe.  Europe did not want to be ruled by either.  War was the inevitable and fearful consequence in each case.  About four million died in Bonaparte’s wars and about forty million died in Hitler’s wars.  The principal difference between them, apart from the killing power of their weaponry, is that as well as starting wars, Hitler sought to murder one race and to enslave or murder another.  He therefore committed more moral crimes than Bonaparte.  But that fact does not relieve Bonaparte of guilt for the crimes that he did commit.  He is morally responsible for the deaths of millions of people.

The great German poet Goethe had a sense of the power of these demons.  He said ‘The most fearful manifestation of the demonic, however, is seen when it dominates an individual human being…they emanate a monstrous force and exercise incredible power over all creatures…All moral powers combined are impotent against them.  In vain do the more enlightened among men attempt to discredit them as deluded or deceptive…they can be overtaken only by the universe itself, against which they have taken up arms…No one can do something against God who is not God himself.’  Goethe was referring to Napoleon, but precisely the same went for Hitler.

There is one difference between Napoleon and Hitler in death.  The French maintain a great monument to Napoleon.  It is his tomb in Paris, and it is a major tourist attraction.  The Germans will never do that for Hitler.  The great French historian Georges Lefebvre said this of Napoleon at the end of a two-volume history of his life from 1799 to 1815:

Nor was it an accident that led to the dictatorship of a general.  But it so happened that this general was Napoleon Bonaparte, a man whose temperament, even more than his genius, was unable to adapt to peace and moderation.  Thus it was an unforeseeable contingency which tilted the scale in favour of ‘la guerre éternelle’ [eternal war]…..

The great Napoleonic achievement – the establishment of a new dynasty and the building of a universal empire – ended in failure.  Hence the imagination of the poet has tended to see the Emperor as a second Prometheus whose daring was punished by the heavenly powers, and as a symbol of human genius at grips with fate…. But a military dictatorship did not of itself necessitate the re-establishment of a hereditary monarchy, still less an aristocratic nobility.  Nor was the best means of defending the natural frontiers to be found in expanding beyond them and so giving rise to coalitions in self-defence.  Yet this was what Napoleon was personally responsible for setting in train.

…. He had in fact become more and more hostile to the Revolution, to such a degree that if he had had the time he would in the end have partly repudiated even civil equality; yet in the popular imagination, he was the hero of the Revolution……He had instituted the most rigorous despotism; yet it was in his name that the constitutional reign of the Bourbons was opposed….

Yet the Romantics were not wholly wrong about him, for his classicism was only one of culture and cast of mind.  His springs of action, his unconquerable energy of temperament, arose from the depths of his imagination.  Here lay the secret of the fascination that he will exercize for ever more on the individual person.  For men will always be haunted by romantic dreams of power, even if only in the passing fires and disturbances of youth; and there will thus never be wanting those who will come…to stand in ecstasy before the tomb.

Now, most us find it hard to be ‘romantic’ about war or death.  So, in reflecting on how so many Germans were seduced by Hitler, we need also to reflect on why so many French are still seduced by Napoleon.  Napoleon took France down the path of eternal war and was probably responsible for the deaths of more French people than Hitler, although Hitler was certainly responsible for many more German dead than Napoleon. 

Napoleon and Hitler have one deadly thing in common.  Each seduced his adopted nation out of fear for the past and hopes for the future to give them nearly absolute power to bring some kind of glory to that nation.  In each case, this could only have come at the price of aggressive war.  The romance – that is the softest word for it – lasted while the donee of the power, the Emperor, or Fuhrer, was winning, but it then began to fade.  In so acting, each of these fabled leaders brought ruin to that nation.  As it happened, France’s subsequent agony lasted much longer than that of Germany.

As each of these men first seduced, then deluded, then raped, then betrayed, and then ruined his adopted nation, each of them brought death and destruction to all Europe.  Both of them were in truth about as deadly enemies of humanity as the world has seen.

***

Trump and Putin are very different, but I will leave the last word on Napoleon to Tolstoy in War and Peace.  History is, notoriously, written by the winners, and Tolstoy, just as notoriously, banged on about Napoleon is this mighty book that I am reading for the fourth time.  But these observations come after a very long account of the battle of Borodino.  Its frightful carnage prefigured that of the American Civil War and First World War.

This man, predestined by Providence for the unhappy, involuntary role of butcher of nations, actually convinced himself that the motivation behind his deeds had been the welfare of nations, and that he could control the destinies of millions, and bring them benefits by the exercise of power.

Yet some still wish to call Napoleon ‘the Great.’

Two birthdays compared

Passing Bull 419

Two nations – the UK and the US – just celebrated the birthday of their head of state.  One did so with a centuries old tradition of display of military precision – pomp and circumstance – that is greatly loved by its people and is famous throughout the world.  Tens of thousands turned out to greet the royal family and the nation was at apolitical peace with itself for a brief interlude.  The other did so with a ludicrous display of cruelty and vulgarity reserved for the standing beneficiaries of nepotism, caste, and corruption.  Somehow they gave a perfect picture of the swamp that engulfs a capital ruled over by an aged illiterate convict.  After 250 years, they might consider trying to grow up.  The flawed promise of 1776 remains unfulfilled.

English Cricket

When David Warner was involved in a public scandal, involving tampering with ball, there was an outcry around the world.  Warner was disqualified for life from becoming captain of Australia.  I thought then, and I continue to think, that this was a vicious over-reaction by those in authority protecting their own backs for their responsibility for a failed team culture. 

It also looked illogical.  How can you be trusted to represent your country, but not captain others doing the same?  But it did not help that Warner had a reputation for being rude and aggressive – at a time when Australian cricketers tended to behave that way.  (We have since changed for the better under Pat Cummins and mature coaches.)

To put it softly, Ben Stokes has form for his latest misconduct.  It is a dreadful breach of trust for him to breach his team’s rules about public behavior and stay out beyond a curfew.

The game finished, I gather, at lunchtime.  The incident occurred after midnight.  Those involved were not sipping tea all those hours.  According to the press, Stokes was on rum and coke when an incident occurred – a rugby player at a night spot went to hit an English bowler and took out his bodyguard instead.  (The victim required stitches.  The press say the Police were not called.) 

The fact that a body guard was present indicates that there was an element of what lawyers call ‘voluntary assumption of risk’.  Stokes is reported to have said that the English players were thrilled at their win – against a nation with a population of little more than half that of London.

Why on earth do those in charge – in their leather lounges at the M C C – just not ban all drinking in public during or straight after a game?  These people just cannot be trusted.  And do the scions at Lord’s not recall the outrageous jostling of Usman Khawaja, the living standard of civility?

Well, Stokes will have to stand down as captain – and be replaced by someone with form for similar misconduct.  But the question will then remain – how can he be trusted to represent his country, but not to lead it?

Some will say this would be hard on Stokes – who had been a real national hero.  Well, our High Court has ruled that when it comes to enforcing professional standards, the quality of mercy becomes strained of necessity.  People in positions of trust have to live up to expectations – or just drop out.

And the last people who can bleat about fairness to public drunks are those members of the London Establishment who jeered at David Warner and roughed up Usman Khawaja. 

They deserve to cop it – right down their bloody Jermyn Street fronts.

Games

Games were an integral part of life in ancient Greece.  The funeral games of Patroclus show us that they go back to the days of Troy and the Iliad.  Their place in the Olympic Games continues in a very different form until today.  The historian of Greece, H D F Kitto, said that ‘among us it is sometimes made a reproach that a man makes a religion of games.’  He was probably then (1951) thinking of football and cricket.  Only God knows what he would say about the alpine levels of bullion involved in that part of the entertainment industry now known as sport. 

But the point that Kitto wanted to make was that the Greeks made games part of their religion.  The various games were held in the honour of the gods – such as Zeus of Olympia.

Moreover, they were held in the sacred precinct.  The feeling that prompted this was a perfectly natural one.  The contest was a means of stimulating human aretê [excellence], and this was a worthy offering to the god.  In the same way, games were held in honour of a dead hero, such as Patroclus in the Iliad…..But since aretê is of the mind as well as the body, there was not the slightest incongruity or affectation in combining musical contests with athletic…..It was aretê that the games were designed to test – the aretê of the whole man, not a merely specialised skill…The victor in one of the great games was a Man.  He was indeed almost something more, a Hero, and was treated as such by his fellow citizens.

Later –

So, at every hand we meet the idea of ‘contest’, agȏn.  Those things that we weakly translate ‘Games’ were, in Greek’ agȏnes – contests in which poet was pitted against poet, actor against actor…. Our word ‘agony’ is  a direct development from agȏn; it is the anguish of the struggle that reveals the man.

So, what they looked for was the drama in the contest that reveals the man.  The particular kind of contest was irrelevant to the test of character in the contest.  Those who confine themselves to the techniques on display miss the whole point of the drama inherent in the context. 

If I am laboring this point, it is because it is fundamental.  As I have remarked elsewhere (in the forthcoming book The Pursuit of Happiness):

So much in sport turns on character – for those on both sides of the fence.  The great champions of sport and the great minds of letters and history and the artists make and discover things that arouse our sense of wonder and remind us of our limitations.  It is not just their genius that we admire, but their courage to go on with it….

In professions, politics, business, or sport, I believe that you take a certain amount of ability as given, and then the rest is character.  This is what gives interest to sport, theatre, and the practice of the law – and life generally….

In my view, when you get a leader in their field – say opera, or rugby, or in the court room or the operating theatre, or test cricket, or politics – you take for granted a certain amount of talent, training, and experience – up to say ninety per cent of the package – and the rest is character.  You can’t teach or buy that, but in the end, it is often character that makes the difference.  And it is very moving to be there when that happens. 

The successful businessman who rebuilt the Geelong Football Club, Frank Costa, had a sign in his office: ‘Character first.  Talent second.’  He got that dead right.  Formula 1 is another good example of the importance of character – on top of unbelievable skill.  And every now and then you get a freak, someone who has something no one else has.  Call it alchemy.  You might get one in a generation. 

If I keep going, someone will put the Dog Act on me.  Perhaps the rot began to set in when the Romans employed professionals to drive in chariot races, and then threw dissidents to the lions.  But the emphasis on the test of character in games – sport – at the highest level remains constant – not least in life a great city when the community meets to celebrate the life of a hero.

Why am I saying this?  Because it was all on show on the Queen’s Birthday game at the MCG last evening between Collingwood and Melbourne.  It caused me to shed tears just on television replay.  This was truly a celebration of life in our city.

And God knows just how much we need it.

Inventing Japan

hird book I have read by Ian Buruma.  He could have been a devastating advocate.  He has the knack – he sees the point, and articulates it, in a way that commands intellectual assent.  And that is that.

Buruma has lived in Japan.  This book gives its history for a century after 1863.  It does so in 170 pages – with one footnote (to name a source for a quote).  It is an extraordinary intellectual achievement.  It should be prescribed reading for intellectually deprived lawyers who believe that more is better.

So, we start with the Americans arriving in their demanding manner on this closed enclave.  We have the fad-like adoption of the West in the Meiji restoration.  Then, nativism of the crudest and most racist kind takes hold with the corruption of German philosophy and Buddhist teaching.  Crimes against humanity are committed at Nanking and elsewhere.  The Japanese are worse than animals.  Person to person, they look more savage than the Nazis.  The horror only ends with the bomb – and even then, reluctantly.  The American occupation makes difficult judgment calls – they allow the Emperor to remain – but when MacArthur leaves, he gets a heroes’ send off.  By the time of the Tokyo Olympics in 1964 – when I first visited Japan – the Japanese are ready to rejoin the world order.  They are a very necessary ally for us, and their culinary intervention here grows by the day.  They are, like Germany, a leading nation – even to the point of talking of re-arming.

It is a gripping story – and a necessary one.  It deserves to be read – if just for the observation that uniqueness cannot be exported.  That should be put up in neon with the suggestion that no one likes armed invasion.  Just look at the history of the great European powers in Africa, Asia and the Americas. 

I cannot recommend the book too highly – it is up there with the author’s recent history of Berlin during the war, and his book about Spinoza.

By chance, the next book I read was about Vermeer by Andrew Graham-Dixon.  It is a big book of industry and learning.  But I fear that Vermeer may be as singular as Shakespeare.  We know very little about his life and it tells us nothing new about the art.  We are left with the few paintings that survived, and a lot of probabilities.

The Buruma book of course deals with Pearl Harbour.  It was the subject of an appalling lapse of taste by Trump with the Japanese Prime Minister.  But perhaps it was warranted.  What Iranian would have looked on that unheralded attack and the killing of the leader of Iran as anything other than ‘a date which will live in infamy’. 

As for the reasons for what is sometimes called a ‘war’, have we moved on from the remark of Thucydides (1.23) that ‘what made war inevitable was the growth of Athenian power and the fear which this caused in Sparta.’

Passing Bull 417

Madness at The Age

The Age this morning had a piece about James Hird – I have never quit the habit of starting the paper at the back page – that caused me to alter my views.  It is a hard question for Essendon, but I am inclined for once to follow Eddie.  And I say that in part because I still hold the very clear view that both Essendon and Hird were very badly treated by the Court of Arbitration for sport.  And I am not just talking about apparent bias.  The locals could not take a trick.

Then I turned the page and saw that in his Mid-Year All-Australian Team, one writer put Luke Jackson in the ruck for Max Gawn – who is on the bench!  That makes the C A S look sane and decent.

Then in the front part, there was a piece about Pauline Hanson and feminism – yes, feminism.  The author referred to ‘the apparent puzzle of successful right-wing populist women competing for power in movements that prioritise the power of aggressive masculinity’.  And whom does the author put in that group with Pauline?  Giorgia Melone and Sanae Takaichi!  That sounds neither sane nor decent – and confirms my view that any word ending in -ism or -ist is most likely bullshit.

Perhaps it is the holiday weekend.

Thank God for Monaco.

Comparative Madness

Two items in The Age today caught my attention – and made me wonder if I am going mad.

A magistrate was reprimanded for commenting on the dangers faced by ‘swingers’.  (The common law has a doctrine of voluntary assumption of risk.)  At the instigation of a complainant, the Judicial Commission of Victoria reprimanded the magistrate for comments that were ‘stereotyping, offensive and unnecessarily critical of the parties’ lifestyle choices.’  She was guilty of ‘victim blaming’.  We were solemnly assured that her honour had reviewed the material on the JVC website and had agreed to attend a JVC program in the next twelve months.

An immense structure is being put up at the White House with a Star Spangled arch and seating for thousands for a UFC program scheduled for the 80th birthday of Donald Trump.

Either would take the breath away of Nero or Orwell.  Each reminds me of a remark by a Law Lord about a case involving a cartoon of an amateur golfer with a bar of Fry’s Chocolate hanging out of his pocket – ‘Another case of the toll levied on distinction for the delectation of vulgarity.’

If I were King Emperor for a day, I would ban both swingers and UFC as offensive to humanity.  In the meantime, I will seek an appointment with my GP for one of those tests to see if age has finally sent me crackers.

Neale Daniher

As I am fond of remarking, I think Tina Turner was wrong.  We need all the heroes we can get.  I have quite a few.  Most of them are hanging up at home – pin-up boys and, when it comes to the stage, girls.  (I may add to the list with Edith Cavil.  She stared down her end with the deathless line, ‘Patriotism is not enough’.  It should be put up in every public flag-waving building – especially in the U S.)

Some of our heroes just take your breath away.  Like Dietrich Bonhoeffer.  Matchless, breath-taking courage and compassion.  When the Nazis closed down Jewish shops, his grandmother breezed past the stormtroopers: ‘I will shop where I always shop.’  When he buried her, Bonhoeffer said: ‘This spirit, for which we are grateful, will not pass into the grave with her, but it puts us under obligation.’  There, indeed, are words for our times.

These thoughts come to me with the passing of Neale Daniher.  I need not rehearse the heroic but humble terms of his sacrifice for others in his fight with a most ugly disease, and his building of a fund to treat it.  Neale Daniher aroused a real response from his whole community, especially the City of Melbourne.  And, yes, because I was bred a Melbourne boy, this man was dear to me.  It was only fit that the height of the celebration of his cause took place each year before a devoted crowd at our great community center – the Melbourne Cricket Ground.  It reminds us of similar efforts by Glenn McGrath in Sydney, and the charity pursued in the name of Jim Stynes here in Melbourne. 

As it happens, the causes of both Daniher and Stynes are associated with the football club I support.  For many reasons, I see sport as essential to life in a civilised community.  But I am not talking of charity in our sports.  I am talking of people who have found it in themselves to awaken what Abraham Lincoln finely called the ‘better angels of our nature’.  They understood one basal truth.  Any group in our community depends on the people who have got on to pass it on to those coming after them.  That is the timeless truth that Dietrich Bonhoeffer spoke of.

Well, I am wobbly, but I am still above the ground.  Neale Daniher is not.  And I stand in awe of him.

I am left with the wistful reflection of a desolate Danish prince.  ‘He was a man and, take him for all in all, I shall not look upon his like again.’

And only God knows how much we need this relief in these dark, bleak Godless times.


 [GG1]

Relative propaganda

A well known and little respected member of the Israeli government has been subjected to heavy criticism for his mockery of captive opponents of his government.  The criticism came from all round the world.  It was not alleged that anyone was physically hurt in the relevant incident.  Some wondered about the depth of the reaction.  Have not 70,000 died in what is called the Gaza War?

Sixty years ago, I was in two minds about our involvement in the Vietnam War – and I am not proud of myself for saying that.  But I have a clear recollection that attitudes here and the U S and the rest of the world were changed by the publication of two photos.  One was of a man being shot in the head by a hand-gun at close range.  The other was of a young naked child fleeing Napalm.  The virulence of the response was later caught in the film Apocalypse Now with the line ‘I just love the smell of Napalm in the’ – music supplied by Richard Wagner.

Statistics are, well, just that.  They must at least risk degrading the worth of every single person referred to.  How can we get our heads around the estimates of those murdered by Stalin or Hitler?

Stalin knew all about this.  ‘The death of one person is a tragedy.  The death of a million is statistic.’

May I refer you to comments I made in a chapter – ‘Numbers’ – in my book Terror and the Police State set out at the end of this note?

You can see this reflection on our emotions when looking at the war in the Ukraine.  Russian casualties are now horrific.  So too has been the perfidious response of the United States.  The White House ambush of Zelensky was one of the most nauseating public abuses of power I have seen – far worse in my assessment than the incident referred to at the start of this note.

The Nazis kidnapped children as part of their war effort.  Is there a worse crime against humanity?  Ukraine alleges that the Russians have kidnapped 20,000 children.  You do not see reference to this crime against humanity when people say the Ukraine should make concessions. 

More importantly, can you begin to imagine what may have been the reaction if one of those 20,000 – just one – was a citizen of the United States?

Book Extract

The numbers

If you accept as an article of faith that each of us has our own dignity or worth just because we are human, then it is wrong for anyone to treat anyone else as a mere number.  We are at risk of doing just that when we seek to compile numbers of the victims of the three regimes that we have been looking at. 

The essential crime of both Hitler and Stalin was that they degraded humanity by denying the right to dignity, by denying the very humanity, of people beyond count – by denying the humanity of one man, woman, and child multiplied to our version of infinity.  Every one of those victims – every one – had a life and a worth that came with that life that was damaged or extinguished.  In his book Bloodlands, Timothy Snyder endorsed the proposition that ‘the key to both National Socialism and Stalinism was their ability to deprive groups of human beings of their right to be regarded as human,’ and when we descend to statistics, we might do the same.  Should we not be concentrating on Jean Baptiste Henry, the eighteen-year-old apprentice tailor decapitated for sawing down a tree of liberty?  Of the mother of Angelina and Nelly who was separated from her children and sent to a concentration camp because she had not denounced her husband?  Or the young schoolboy at Munich whose brain was so washed that he could not abide the sight of a dirty Jew in his classroom in the form of a crucifix?  Would he grow up to fire up the ovens?

But, we have to make at least some comparisons. 

The Reign of Terror up to the execution of Robespierre accounted for about 30,000 deaths with another 10,000 who died in prison.  Much the greater part of those 30,000 were killed because of their alleged participation in the civil war.  The Revolutionary Tribunal despatched about 2,600.  Professor Hampson sought to add some perspective by adding that about 15,000 members of the Paris Commune were shot in May 1871, and that there were about 40,000 people executed after the liberation of France.  Of 14,000 victims of the Terror whose social origin is known, about 1150 came from the nobility and 200 from the upper middle class.  About seven out of thirty-five of the highest caste of nobility was killed.  Death alone could not therefore account for the decline and fall of the nobility.

The French Revolutionary Wars of 1792 to 1802 cost about two million lives.  The Napoleonic Wars of 1803 to 1815 destroyed about five million lives.  We cannot get our heads around those figures any more than estimates of eight to ten million lives for the First World War.  None of these figures would mean anything to someone putting their head through the window or being dismembered by Napoleon’s cannons.

Stalin and Hitler murdered fourteen million people between them over twelve years.  Nearly 700,000 were shot in Stalin’s Great Terror of 1937 to 1938.  Some four million Soviet citizens were in the Gulag when Germany invaded the Soviet Union in 1941.  As we saw, the NKVD massacred many of their own prisoners as the Germans advanced in order to stop the Fascists getting their hands on more forced labour.  The Soviets sentenced a further two and a half million people to the Gulag during the war.  The NKVD remained active anywhere that the Fascists did not reach – including those poor wretches starving to death in Leningrad under siege.  More than half a million deaths were recorded in the Gulag in two years.  They all died without grace or dignity.  The Germans killed about three million Soviet prisoners of war, which is about the number of Ukrainian peasants that were starved to death by the Soviets in 1932-1933.  The total Russian casualties of that war, civil or military, were of the order of twenty million which is more than two and half times greater than the casualties of all nations for the First World War.

Alan Bullock put a number of eighteen million on the victims of Nazi brutality for the whole of Europe and Russia (apart from the victims of the orthodox war) and he said this:

It is important to place these figures on record.  But because they can have the effect of numbing the imagination, which cannot conceive of human suffering on such a scale, it is equally important to underline that every single figure in these millions represents acts of cruelty, terror, and degradation inflicted on individual human beings like ourselves, a man, a woman, a child or even a baby.

Whatever else humanity can do, it cannot come to terms with its degradation like this, or, as the poet Chris Wallace-Crabbe said:

Whatever Christ meant, it wasn’t this.

Populists

Two major sources of bad thinking and communal strife are our tendency to resort to labels and the herd instinct.  I set below what I wrote about these vices in a book written with Chris Wallace-Crabbe (What’s Wrong?)  The extracts are long, but the issue is serious.  This was the most important part of the book.

The vice of labelling

Some years ago, a woman at Oxford, en route from the reading room to the dining room for breakfast, was heard to say: ‘I have just been described as a typical Guardian reader, and I’m trying to work out whether I should feel insulted.’ A discussion about the meaning of the word ‘presumptuous’ then followed.

There is no law or custom that says we should apply a label to people – or put them in boxes, or in a file, or give them a codename. There is also no law that we should not. But most of us can’t help ourselves. So what?

Well, most of us don’t like being put into boxes. That is how we tend to see governments or Telstra or a big bank behaving toward us. Nor do most of us want to be typed. When someone says that an opinion or act of yours is ‘typical’ of you or your like, they are very rarely trying to be pleasant.

Most of us just want to be what we are. You don’t have to have a university degree specialising in the philosophy of Kant to believe that each of us has his or her own dignity, merely because we are human. We are not in the same league as camels or gnats. If I am singled out as a Muslim, a Jew or an Aboriginal, what does that label add to or take away from my humanity? What good can come from subtracting from my humanity by labelling me in that way?

So, the first problem with labelling is that it is likely to be demeaning to the target, and presumptuous on the part of the labeller. In labelling, we are detracting from a person’s dignity. We put registration numbers on dog collars, and we brand cattle, but we should afford humans the courtesy – no, the dignity – of their own humanity.

The second problem with labelling is that it is both loose and lazy. If you say of someone that they are a typical Conservative or Tory, that immediately raises two questions. What do the labels ‘Conservative’ and ‘Tory’ mean? What are the characteristics of the target that might warrant the application of the label?

In this country, at the moment, the terms ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ hardly mean anything at all – except as terms of abuse – which is how ‘Tory’ and ‘Whig’ started in England. These terms are now generally only applied by one side to the other. Not many people are happy to apply either of those labels to themselves. The categories are just too plastic and fluid.

Similarly, in Australia the labels ‘Liberal’ and ‘Labor’ hardly stand for any difference in principle any more. At the time of writing, on any of the major issues in Australian politics, what were the differences in the policies of those parties that derived from their platform? The old forms of name calling between Liberal and Labor mean nothing to our children – absolutely nothing. These old ways are as outmoded as name calling between Catholics and Protestants. And there is some common ground in the two shifts: very many people have lost faith in both religion and politics. The old tensions or rivalries just seem no longer to matter.

Unfortunately, and notwithstanding the obvious problems we have just referred to, labelling is not just common, but mandatory in far too much political discussion in the press, and certainly for shock jocks or those who make a career out of working TV chat shows. While some people naturally thrive on conflict – Napoleon and Hitler were two bad cases – some journalists in the press engage in conflict for a living. These people rarely have a financial motive to respond reasonably, much less to resolve the conflict. To the contrary, they have a direct financial interest in keeping the conflict as explosive as possible. It is notorious that controversy feeds ratings and that bad news sells newspapers.

If you put up an argument to one of these people who live off the earnings of conflict, the response will very commonly involve two limbs – a personal attack on you (the Latin tag for which is ad hominem), followed by some labels, which are never meant as compliments. For example, if someone dared to query the rigour of the government’s policies toward refugees, a predictable response would be ‘What else would you expect from someone who subscribes to the ABC? How would you like these people to move in next door?’ There is no argument – just vulgar abuse. The disintegration of thought is palpable, but a lot of people are making a handy living out of it – and not in ways that do the rest of us any good.

There is commonly a third problem with labelling: it generally tells you a lot more about the labeller – some would say the sniper – than the target, and the answer is rarely pretty. And if you pile cliché upon label, and venom upon petulance, the result is as sad as it is predictable. You disappear up your own bum.

Let us take one label that became prominent in 2016 right across the Western world. There has been a lot of chatter, or white noise, about ‘populists’. Who are they?

One of the problems with this word is that people who use it rarely say what they mean by it. If you search the internet, you will find references to ordinary or regular or common people against political insiders or a wealthy elite. These vague terms don’t help – to the contrary. What do they mean? Is dividing people into classes a good idea in Australia now – or anywhere, at any time? If it is simply a matter of the common people wresting control from a wealthy elite, who could decently object? Is this not just democracy triumphing over oligarchy?

Populus is the Latin word for ‘people’, with pretty much the same connotations as that word in English. Do populists, therefore, appeal to the people for their vote? Well, anyone standing for office in a democracy does just that. The most famous political speech in history concludes with the words ‘of the people, for the people, by the people’.

But ‘populist’ is not used to describe everyone standing for office. It is used to refer to only some of those, and the difference seems to be in the kinds of people who are appealed to and the way in which that appeal is made.

So, what kind of public do populists appeal to? Those who use this word say that the people appealed to are anything but the ‘elite’ – those who have got on well in life because of their background or education, or both. In both the United Kingdom and the United States this feeling about the elite – which might look like simple envy to some – is linked to a suspicion of or contempt for ‘experts’. People do, however, tend to get choosy about which experts they reject. (This rejection does not extend to experts who may save their life in the surgery, or at 30,000 feet, or their liberty; but it may explain the curious intellectual lesion that many people of a reactionary turn of mind have about science and the environment.)

Another attribute of the public appealed to by populists is that they have often missed out on the increase in wealth brought about by free trade around the world and by advances in technology. These movements obviously have cost people jobs and are thought by some experts to be likely to cost another 40 per cent over the next ten years.

A third attribute of those appealed to by populists is said to be that, in their reduced condition, they value their citizenship above all else, and they are not willing to share it. They are therefore against taking refugees or people whose faith or colour threatens the idea of their national identity.

Now, if folk who use the word populist are describing politicians who appeal to people with those attributes, they may want to be careful about where they say so. The picture that emerges is one of a backward, angry and mean chauvinist failure. That picture is seriously derogatory. If that is what people mean when they refer to populists, then it is just a loose label that unfairly smears a large part of the population. The term does then itself suffer from the vice of labelling that we have identified.

So, we would leave labels with George Bush Senior, who said that labels are what you put on soup cans.

Tribalism

We started this chapter on the subject of prejudice as the main corrupter of thought, and near the end of it we come to a common source of prejudice. You might call it tribalism or clannishness, or just the herd instinct. It is a human tendency to surrender judgment, and therefore dignity, to the crowd, or the mob. In its most terrifying form, the mob is the lynch mob, to which the French were subjected on a national scale during the Reign of Terror of the French Revolution, a period of state-sanctioned violence and mass executions. The surrender was more complete, and the consequences were more financially severe, during the 1929 stock market crash, but we see it all round us every day, and as often as not we don’t notice when we have switched into the mode of group control.

A harmless form is the one‑eyed Collingwood supporter. Indeed, one reason why people enjoy that part of the entertainment industry called sport is that this is just the area, either in the stands or on the terraces or around the office coffee machine, where independent judgment can be suspended and blind prejudice masquerading as loyalty can be safely put on show. (You might, from time to time, graciously applaud someone from the other side, but you may want to watch who you do that in front of.) You can even blow the ref a raspberry without going to the slammer.

One worrying form of clannishness is the tendency of some groups to form their own language and retreat behind it when they come under attack, when they feel insecure or when they just feel like being pompous. Doctors and lawyers used to be notorious for this, but both have improved. It is no longer smart or clever to be obscure; the contrary is the case.

A clannish corruption of thought is dangerous because it obscures meaning – it makes the author harder to pin down – and it masks a crude self‑interest in protecting the relevant group as the proper or even the sole repository of truth. This is very worrying when the author is unable to spell out a verifiable meaning for the benefit of the uninitiated. Secular thinkers for many centuries have accused priests of doing just this – of denying ordinary people access to the truth – or, if you prefer, the light – by refusing to give them the keys to the codes. You might recall that, before the Reformation, you could be burnt at the stake in England if you dared to translate the Bible into the native language of the believers. That must be the ultimate example of people being asked to take articles of faith on trust.

We see examples of this form of clannish or tribal protectionism, and the consequent mutilation of logic and language, in the newer social sciences (which some think is a phrase that contradicts itself), in marketing, among ideologues (especially think tanks and their acolytes, political advisers) and also in some parts of academia.

We tend to see the problem at its worst with the political ideologues – the advisers tend to be hard‑headed people who hardly believe anything, whereas the ideologues bring commitment and passion, and so are likely to invoke that most dangerous ingredient in rational discussion: sincerity.

The problem now is that you are dealing with people with a position and with a patch to defend (people Helen Garner referred to as those ‘who have an agenda’). You are dealing with someone who subscribes to articles of faith, and they may not realise or accept that articles of faith lie outside the borders of rational debate. You might therefore be talking to a zealot. Zealots are people whose zeal has infected their judgment. They become like one‑eyed Collingwood supporters – but much, much worse, because they believe that the stakes are so big. In the language of the stock market, they have their own skin in the game. Unable to see the world from the other person’s point of view, they are very likely to think they have uncovered the logical answer – that is, the answer, and there can only be one of those. They become progressively less able to see that reasonable people might differ on almost any question relating to human behaviour or belief. That is to say, they get less and less tolerant, and intolerance is the cancer of sensible discussion.

Agenda bearers tend to look on disputes not as debates about ideas, but as conflicts between the kinds of people who hold various ideas. They become emotionally attached to their own side and emotionally opposed to the others. We saw that the writer in The Australian who is obsessed with ‘political correctness’ said it was unfair that ‘we’ did not have the same remedies as her adversaries.With agenda bearers, judgment goes clean out the window. They are ready to argue about things they know little or nothing about, and that must end up in bullshit. They then get ready to attack almost anything said by the other side, and to defend almost anything that has come out of their side. They become driven by, and to, conflict. They therefore pick fights that they do not have to pick, and so they ignore the first rule of advocacy: If you have a good point, make it, and don’t bugger it up with a dud; if you don’t have a good point, shut up.

Agenda bearers are heavily into mockery, and into nodding and winking among themselves. They are not beyond leering or even jeering, and they may have an obsession about sneering: one of those cases where they project their own feelings and reactions onto their opponents. They often accuse others of being dogmatic or feeling morally or intellectually superior because they have right on their side.

They disdain experts, but they are long on conspiracies, especially when it comes to the newspapers or television consulted by the other side. Indeed, they stereotype people by reference to their chosen media – readers of Fairfax or viewers of the ABC must be like readers of The New York Times or The Guardian and must oppose the Murdoch press or Fox News. (Would you be insulted if described as a typical Age reader or an adherent to Fox News? Or would you just think that the author of the remark was both thick and presumptuous?)

If you are not into these nuances, a word that people known as culture warriors may be fond of, you are not part of the game. Indeed, there are times when they seem unable to choose their cheerleader – the Famous Five or Kim, Enid Blyton or Rudyard Kipling.

Ideologues are defensive about their own culture or faith – words broad enough to mean or contain just what they want them to mean or contain – and very suspicious of those who want to share the good life or who threaten to change its underlying fabric. For this purpose, they may allow a shock jock or some other gutter rat to put up kites for them, but the sensible ones always preserve deniability and a distance from the overtly vulgar.

Their arguments are mainly aimed at the man, in part because of the innate or acquired hostility of those advancing the arguments, in part because they tend not to play by the rules, and in part again because they have lost control of their moral or intellectual compass. They always accuse the other side of hypocrisy, of which they are World’s Best Practice exponents, and of utter indifference to the consequences of their ideology – which they are past noticing in themselves. Even when they set out their own contradictions in black and white, they cannot see them for what they are. They are not just biased or unbalanced; they are wilfully beyond persuasion. In ordinary terms, they are crippled by the chips on their shoulders.

You will recognise here many of the attributes of a bush lawyer and of far too many of our politicians. It will only get worse – as people subscribe to internet sites for the true believers, commune in language‑killing terms on what are preposterously described as social media settings, and banish the anxiety that comes with uncertainty by cocooning themselves in their own echo chambers.

***

I have set out those observations at that length because they bear on so much of what passes nowadays for political discussion – especially as it is applied to people grouped together under a label – such as Catholics, gypsies, Collingwood supporters, boat people, the Irish, academics, or just plain old fashioned bludgers.  And by segmenting the people around us, we are of necessity speaking of minorities.

The cancer comes in two phases.  First, something in the history of those in a group leads to people being referred to, or identified as, members of that group.  Secondly, it is thought appropriate to attribute to every member of that group some attribute or characteristic. 

That is a form of branding, and it detracts from the worth or dignity of every human being to whom it is applied.  I do not subscribe to any doctrine of Original Sin, but if I did, this would be my prime candidate.  And it may start when people are content or proud to place themselves in a box and claim to share one common attribute as a result.

What do I care about my skin colour, faith, or ancestry?  What difference does any of them make?  In the name of Heaven, in the bad old days we believed – we were taught – that Catholics were somehow different to Protestants. 

In my view, Sir Henry Maine was spot on when he said in Ancient Law that the whole course of legal history saw the movement from status to contract.  What matters in life is not what I do with what I landed here with from my ancestors, but what I do with other people while I am here.  The contrary view dooms us to lie low under the weight of the past.

Let me just look again at two labels.  ‘Elite.’  According to my Compact OED, this is ‘a group of people regarded as the best in a particular society or organisation.’  Is there a problem?  Do we repudiate our best people?  Can you think of anyone going to a medical clinic or law firm saying – ‘Don’t give me your best – just the mediocre’?  Or saying to our Test selectors – ‘Don’t send the best to England – just the run of the mill journeymen’?

‘Populists’.  There is an obvious difficulty in applying this term to those seeking office in a democracy, when that is achieved by appealing to people to support you.  (Shakespeare wrote a play about it – Coriolanus.

Three examples are Trump, Farage, and Hanson.  Each has indeed one thing in common for me.  None would be welcome in my home.  The vices and charms of the first two are well known. 

The Australian presents as a scheming, heartless and venomous bigot who is unfit to hold any form of public office in Australia.  She has none of the élan of Trump or Farage, or those vicious mountebanks who broke Europe and the world in the last century.  If that statement sounds large, what do you think might be the response of our Muslim brothers and sisters?  Or have they not been here long enough to touch our conscience?

The Royal Commission into the Bondi massacre will have to navigate waters like these, and I don’t envy them.  There are obvious difficulties in conducting any form of forensic process to what the Letters Patent refer to as ‘religious and ideologically motivated extremism and radicalisation’. 

The Commission will hear of the most dreadful behavior to members of our Jewish community.  There is one thing they will not hear of.  That is of a sitting member of the Australian Parliament saying ‘There is no such thing as a good Jew.’ 

That statement by Hanson looks to me like a textbook case of ‘religious and ideologically motivated extremism and radicalisation’.  The difference is that she is not facing jail for hate speech.  On the contrary.  She shouts it out loud and infects Parliament by insulting faith – and takes off in the polls as a reward, and is saluted by uncomely goons in dark places who don’t know any better. 

And the lucky country stands indicted.  And on a bad day we might feel with Milton that earth felt the wound.

Well, the categories of evil are never closed, even if, as someone said, there is nothing new under the sun.  Perhaps the old French proverb stands vindicated – the more things change, the more they stay the same. 

We are not as free of the primal slime as we would wish to be.  We do after all live in a country where you can step into your garden paradise and die from the venom of a brown snake taking its repose in your bed of roses.

Populists

Two major sources of bad thinking and communal strife are our tendency to resort to labels and the herd instinct.  I set below what I wrote about these vices in a book written with Chris Wallace-Crabbe (What’s Wrong?)  The extracts are long, but the issue is serious.  This was the most important part of the book.

The vice of labelling

Some years ago, a woman at Oxford, en route from the reading room to the dining room for breakfast, was heard to say: ‘I have just been described as a typical Guardian reader, and I’m trying to work out whether I should feel insulted.’ A discussion about the meaning of the word ‘presumptuous’ then followed.

There is no law or custom that says we should apply a label to people – or put them in boxes, or in a file, or give them a codename. There is also no law that we should not. But most of us can’t help ourselves. So what?

Well, most of us don’t like being put into boxes. That is how we tend to see governments or Telstra or a big bank behaving toward us. Nor do most of us want to be typed. When someone says that an opinion or act of yours is ‘typical’ of you or your like, they are very rarely trying to be pleasant.

Most of us just want to be what we are. You don’t have to have a university degree specialising in the philosophy of Kant to believe that each of us has his or her own dignity, merely because we are human. We are not in the same league as camels or gnats. If I am singled out as a Muslim, a Jew or an Aboriginal, what does that label add to or take away from my humanity? What good can come from subtracting from my humanity by labelling me in that way?

So, the first problem with labelling is that it is likely to be demeaning to the target, and presumptuous on the part of the labeller. In labelling, we are detracting from a person’s dignity. We put registration numbers on dog collars, and we brand cattle, but we should afford humans the courtesy – no, the dignity – of their own humanity.

The second problem with labelling is that it is both loose and lazy. If you say of someone that they are a typical Conservative or Tory, that immediately raises two questions. What do the labels ‘Conservative’ and ‘Tory’ mean? What are the characteristics of the target that might warrant the application of the label?

In this country, at the moment, the terms ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ hardly mean anything at all – except as terms of abuse – which is how ‘Tory’ and ‘Whig’ started in England. These terms are now generally only applied by one side to the other. Not many people are happy to apply either of those labels to themselves. The categories are just too plastic and fluid.

Similarly, in Australia the labels ‘Liberal’ and ‘Labor’ hardly stand for any difference in principle any more. At the time of writing, on any of the major issues in Australian politics, what were the differences in the policies of those parties that derived from their platform? The old forms of name calling between Liberal and Labor mean nothing to our children – absolutely nothing. These old ways are as outmoded as name calling between Catholics and Protestants. And there is some common ground in the two shifts: very many people have lost faith in both religion and politics. The old tensions or rivalries just seem no longer to matter.

Unfortunately, and notwithstanding the obvious problems we have just referred to, labelling is not just common, but mandatory in far too much political discussion in the press, and certainly for shock jocks or those who make a career out of working TV chat shows. While some people naturally thrive on conflict – Napoleon and Hitler were two bad cases – some journalists in the press engage in conflict for a living. These people rarely have a financial motive to respond reasonably, much less to resolve the conflict. To the contrary, they have a direct financial interest in keeping the conflict as explosive as possible. It is notorious that controversy feeds ratings and that bad news sells newspapers.

If you put up an argument to one of these people who live off the earnings of conflict, the response will very commonly involve two limbs – a personal attack on you (the Latin tag for which is ad hominem), followed by some labels, which are never meant as compliments. For example, if someone dared to query the rigour of the government’s policies toward refugees, a predictable response would be ‘What else would you expect from someone who subscribes to the ABC? How would you like these people to move in next door?’ There is no argument – just vulgar abuse. The disintegration of thought is palpable, but a lot of people are making a handy living out of it – and not in ways that do the rest of us any good.

There is commonly a third problem with labelling: it generally tells you a lot more about the labeller – some would say the sniper – than the target, and the answer is rarely pretty. And if you pile cliché upon label, and venom upon petulance, the result is as sad as it is predictable. You disappear up your own bum.

Let us take one label that became prominent in 2016 right across the Western world. There has been a lot of chatter, or white noise, about ‘populists’. Who are they?

One of the problems with this word is that people who use it rarely say what they mean by it. If you search the internet, you will find references to ordinary or regular or common people against political insiders or a wealthy elite. These vague terms don’t help – to the contrary. What do they mean? Is dividing people into classes a good idea in Australia now – or anywhere, at any time? If it is simply a matter of the common people wresting control from a wealthy elite, who could decently object? Is this not just democracy triumphing over oligarchy?

Populus is the Latin word for ‘people’, with pretty much the same connotations as that word in English. Do populists, therefore, appeal to the people for their vote? Well, anyone standing for office in a democracy does just that. The most famous political speech in history concludes with the words ‘of the people, for the people, by the people’.

But ‘populist’ is not used to describe everyone standing for office. It is used to refer to only some of those, and the difference seems to be in the kinds of people who are appealed to and the way in which that appeal is made.

So, what kind of public do populists appeal to? Those who use this word say that the people appealed to are anything but the ‘elite’ – those who have got on well in life because of their background or education, or both. In both the United Kingdom and the United States this feeling about the elite – which might look like simple envy to some – is linked to a suspicion of or contempt for ‘experts’. People do, however, tend to get choosy about which experts they reject. (This rejection does not extend to experts who may save their life in the surgery, or at 30,000 feet, or their liberty; but it may explain the curious intellectual lesion that many people of a reactionary turn of mind have about science and the environment.)

Another attribute of the public appealed to by populists is that they have often missed out on the increase in wealth brought about by free trade around the world and by advances in technology. These movements obviously have cost people jobs and are thought by some experts to be likely to cost another 40 per cent over the next ten years.

A third attribute of those appealed to by populists is said to be that, in their reduced condition, they value their citizenship above all else, and they are not willing to share it. They are therefore against taking refugees or people whose faith or colour threatens the idea of their national identity.

Now, if folk who use the word populist are describing politicians who appeal to people with those attributes, they may want to be careful about where they say so. The picture that emerges is one of a backward, angry and mean chauvinist failure. That picture is seriously derogatory. If that is what people mean when they refer to populists, then it is just a loose label that unfairly smears a large part of the population. The term does then itself suffer from the vice of labelling that we have identified.

So, we would leave labels with George Bush Senior, who said that labels are what you put on soup cans.

Tribalism

We started this chapter on the subject of prejudice as the main corrupter of thought, and near the end of it we come to a common source of prejudice. You might call it tribalism or clannishness, or just the herd instinct. It is a human tendency to surrender judgment, and therefore dignity, to the crowd, or the mob. In its most terrifying form, the mob is the lynch mob, to which the French were subjected on a national scale during the Reign of Terror of the French Revolution, a period of state-sanctioned violence and mass executions. The surrender was more complete, and the consequences were more financially severe, during the 1929 stock market crash, but we see it all round us every day, and as often as not we don’t notice when we have switched into the mode of group control.

A harmless form is the one‑eyed Collingwood supporter. Indeed, one reason why people enjoy that part of the entertainment industry called sport is that this is just the area, either in the stands or on the terraces or around the office coffee machine, where independent judgment can be suspended and blind prejudice masquerading as loyalty can be safely put on show. (You might, from time to time, graciously applaud someone from the other side, but you may want to watch who you do that in front of.) You can even blow the ref a raspberry without going to the slammer.

One worrying form of clannishness is the tendency of some groups to form their own language and retreat behind it when they come under attack, when they feel insecure or when they just feel like being pompous. Doctors and lawyers used to be notorious for this, but both have improved. It is no longer smart or clever to be obscure; the contrary is the case.

A clannish corruption of thought is dangerous because it obscures meaning – it makes the author harder to pin down – and it masks a crude self‑interest in protecting the relevant group as the proper or even the sole repository of truth. This is very worrying when the author is unable to spell out a verifiable meaning for the benefit of the uninitiated. Secular thinkers for many centuries have accused priests of doing just this – of denying ordinary people access to the truth – or, if you prefer, the light – by refusing to give them the keys to the codes. You might recall that, before the Reformation, you could be burnt at the stake in England if you dared to translate the Bible into the native language of the believers. That must be the ultimate example of people being asked to take articles of faith on trust.

We see examples of this form of clannish or tribal protectionism, and the consequent mutilation of logic and language, in the newer social sciences (which some think is a phrase that contradicts itself), in marketing, among ideologues (especially think tanks and their acolytes, political advisers) and also in some parts of academia.

We tend to see the problem at its worst with the political ideologues – the advisers tend to be hard‑headed people who hardly believe anything, whereas the ideologues bring commitment and passion, and so are likely to invoke that most dangerous ingredient in rational discussion: sincerity.

The problem now is that you are dealing with people with a position and with a patch to defend (people Helen Garner referred to as those ‘who have an agenda’). You are dealing with someone who subscribes to articles of faith, and they may not realise or accept that articles of faith lie outside the borders of rational debate. You might therefore be talking to a zealot. Zealots are people whose zeal has infected their judgment. They become like one‑eyed Collingwood supporters – but much, much worse, because they believe that the stakes are so big. In the language of the stock market, they have their own skin in the game. Unable to see the world from the other person’s point of view, they are very likely to think they have uncovered the logical answer – that is, the answer, and there can only be one of those. They become progressively less able to see that reasonable people might differ on almost any question relating to human behaviour or belief. That is to say, they get less and less tolerant, and intolerance is the cancer of sensible discussion.

Agenda bearers tend to look on disputes not as debates about ideas, but as conflicts between the kinds of people who hold various ideas. They become emotionally attached to their own side and emotionally opposed to the others. We saw that the writer in The Australian who is obsessed with ‘political correctness’ said it was unfair that ‘we’ did not have the same remedies as her adversaries.With agenda bearers, judgment goes clean out the window. They are ready to argue about things they know little or nothing about, and that must end up in bullshit. They then get ready to attack almost anything said by the other side, and to defend almost anything that has come out of their side. They become driven by, and to, conflict. They therefore pick fights that they do not have to pick, and so they ignore the first rule of advocacy: If you have a good point, make it, and don’t bugger it up with a dud; if you don’t have a good point, shut up.

Agenda bearers are heavily into mockery, and into nodding and winking among themselves. They are not beyond leering or even jeering, and they may have an obsession about sneering: one of those cases where they project their own feelings and reactions onto their opponents. They often accuse others of being dogmatic or feeling morally or intellectually superior because they have right on their side.

They disdain experts, but they are long on conspiracies, especially when it comes to the newspapers or television consulted by the other side. Indeed, they stereotype people by reference to their chosen media – readers of Fairfax or viewers of the ABC must be like readers of The New York Times or The Guardian and must oppose the Murdoch press or Fox News. (Would you be insulted if described as a typical Age reader or an adherent to Fox News? Or would you just think that the author of the remark was both thick and presumptuous?)

If you are not into these nuances, a word that people known as culture warriors may be fond of, you are not part of the game. Indeed, there are times when they seem unable to choose their cheerleader – the Famous Five or Kim, Enid Blyton or Rudyard Kipling.

Ideologues are defensive about their own culture or faith – words broad enough to mean or contain just what they want them to mean or contain – and very suspicious of those who want to share the good life or who threaten to change its underlying fabric. For this purpose, they may allow a shock jock or some other gutter rat to put up kites for them, but the sensible ones always preserve deniability and a distance from the overtly vulgar.

Their arguments are mainly aimed at the man, in part because of the innate or acquired hostility of those advancing the arguments, in part because they tend not to play by the rules, and in part again because they have lost control of their moral or intellectual compass. They always accuse the other side of hypocrisy, of which they are World’s Best Practice exponents, and of utter indifference to the consequences of their ideology – which they are past noticing in themselves. Even when they set out their own contradictions in black and white, they cannot see them for what they are. They are not just biased or unbalanced; they are wilfully beyond persuasion. In ordinary terms, they are crippled by the chips on their shoulders.

You will recognise here many of the attributes of a bush lawyer and of far too many of our politicians. It will only get worse – as people subscribe to internet sites for the true believers, commune in language‑killing terms on what are preposterously described as social media settings, and banish the anxiety that comes with uncertainty by cocooning themselves in their own echo chambers.

***

I have set out those observations at that length because they bear on so much of what passes nowadays for political discussion – especially as it is applied to people grouped together under a label – such as Catholics, gypsies, Collingwood supporters, boat people, the Irish, academics, or just plain old fashioned bludgers.  And by segmenting the people around us, we are of necessity speaking of minorities.

The cancer comes in two phases.  First, something in the history of those in a group leads to people being referred to, or identified as, members of that group.  Secondly, it is thought appropriate to attribute to every member of that group some attribute or characteristic. 

That is a form of branding, and it detracts from the worth or dignity of every human being to whom it is applied.  I do not subscribe to any doctrine of Original Sin, but if I did, this would be my prime candidate.  And it may start when people are content or proud to place themselves in a box and claim to share one common attribute as a result.

What do I care about my skin colour, faith, or ancestry?  What difference does any of them make?  In the name of Heaven, in the bad old days we believed – we were taught – that Catholics were somehow different to Protestants. 

In my view, Sir Henry Maine was spot on when he said in Ancient Law that the whole course of legal history saw the movement from status to contract.  What matters in life is not what I do with what I landed here with from my ancestors, but what I do with other people while I am here.  The contrary view dooms us to lie low under the weight of the past.

Let me just look again at two labels.  ‘Elite.’  According to my Compact OED, this is ‘a group of people regarded as the best in a particular society or organisation.’  Is there a problem?  Do we repudiate our best people?  Can you think of anyone going to a medical clinic or law firm saying – ‘Don’t give me your best – just the mediocre’?  Or saying to our Test selectors – ‘Don’t send the best to England – just the run of the mill journeymen’?

‘Populists’.  There is an obvious difficulty in applying this term to those seeking office in a democracy, when that is achieved by appealing to people to support you.  (Shakespeare wrote a play about it – Coriolanus.

Three examples are Trump, Farage, and Hanson.  Each has indeed one thing in common for me.  None would be welcome in my home.  The vices and charms of the first two are well known. 

The Australian presents as a scheming, heartless and venomous bigot who is unfit to hold any form of public office in Australia.  She has none of the élan of Trump or Farage, or those vicious mountebanks who broke Europe and the world in the last century.  If that statement sounds large, what do you think might be the response of our Muslim brothers and sisters?  Or have they not been here long enough to touch our conscience?

The Royal Commission into the Bondi massacre will have to navigate waters like these, and I don’t envy them.  There are obvious difficulties in conducting any form of forensic process to what the Letters Patent refer to as ‘religious and ideologically motivated extremism and radicalisation’. 

The Commission will hear of the most dreadful behavior to members of our Jewish community.  There is one thing they will not hear of.  That is of a sitting member of the Australian Parliament saying ‘There is no such thing as a good Jew.’ 

That statement by Hanson looks to me like a textbook case of ‘religious and ideologically motivated extremism and radicalisation’.  The difference is that she is not facing jail for hate speech.  On the contrary.  She shouts it out loud and infects Parliament by insulting faith – and takes off in the polls as a reward, and is saluted by uncomely goons in dark places who don’t know any better. 

And the lucky country stands indicted.  And on a bad day we might feel with Milton that earth felt the wound.

Well, the categories of evil are never closed, even if, as someone said, there is nothing new under the sun.  Perhaps the old French proverb stands vindicated – the more things change, the more they stay the same. 

We are not as free of the primal slime as we would wish to be.  We do after all live in a country where you can step into your garden paradise and die from the venom of a brown snake taking its repose in your bed of roses.