Passing bull 191 – The people and the crowd

 

 

When people come together to vote for parliament or to serve on a jury – rather similar exercises – we feel good about each other.  But if we see them come together as a lynch mob, we are revolted.  We are revolted because people following the herd instinct are behaving more like animals than human beings.  Most of us are very worried about the crowds behind the gillets jaunes in France.  People have there taken to the streets not just to protest against government but to try to bend the government to do its will.  That is a plain denial of parliamentary democracy.  That kind of government can only work if the overwhelming majority of people accept the decision of a majority.  But ever since 1789, the French have claimed the right to take to the streets to stop government taking a course they do not like.  The result is that France has not been able to push through unpopular reforms in the same way that Germany and England did.  And the result of this triumph of the people is that the people are a lot worse off.  That in turn leads to the gillets jaunes and to the President’s not being able to implement the reforms for which he was elected.  And so the cycle goes on – until one morning the French get up and see a scowling Madame LePen brandishing a stock whip on her new tricoleur dais.  She will have achieved the final vindication of the crowd – the acquisition of real power by real force.

The Bagehot column in The Economist this week is headed ‘The roar of the crowd.’  It begins: ‘The great achievement of parliamentary democracy is to take politics off the streets.’  Well, the English achieved that – but not the French.  The article goes on to refer to street protests being invoked to express ‘the will of the people.’  That bullshit phrase is or should be as alien to the English as it is to us.  It is dangerous nonsense advanced by people over the water like Rousseau – one of most poisonous men who ever lived – Robespierre, Stalin, Mussolini, Franco, and Hitler.

The article also refers to social media –the worst misnomer ever – as ‘virtual crowds online.’  It quotes an 1895 book The Crowd; A Study of the Popular Mind as saying of crowds that they show ‘impulsiveness, irritability, incapacity to reason, the absence of judgment of the critical spirit, the exaggeration of sentiments’ and says that the crowd debases the ordinary person – ‘isolated he may be a cultivated individual; in a crowd, he is a barbarian.’  That is because he has handed over the keys to his own humanity.  All this is just as spot-on for social media as it is to those whom Farage whipped up against Muslims, or those for whom Trump did the same, or those who marched last night in favour of Brexit and did so to a ghastly drum-beat that made them look so much like the English fascists from the 1930’s.

For our system to work, people have to show at least some restraint and toleration.  At least two forces are in my view at work in Australia working against us and in favour of the herd instinct of the crowd.  One is social media.  The other is the Murdoch press.  The first is obvious.  As to the second, a New Zealand observer said there were two reasons for the immoderate restraint and toleration of their government to a crisis of hate – the leadership and empathy of the leader of their government, and the absence of the Murdoch press.  In Australia, Sky News after dark regularly parades Pauline Hanson while Bolt and others defends her and while in The Australian columnists attack Muslims as jihadis in something like a frenzy.  And it was just a matter of time before they spitefully turned on the New Zealand Prime Minister and the ‘Muslimist Aljazeera’ – and of course those middle class pinkos at Fairfax and the ABC.

The people behind social media and the Murdoch press are wont to preach about freedom of speech.  The sad truth is that they go to the gutter for the same reason – for profit.

Two more points.  The current disaster in England started when they went and tested ‘the will of the people’ and got an equivocal answer – yes, leave, but on what terms? – with a majority too slim to permit a simple solution to a difficult problem to be found and implemented.  Now we have the awful and degrading spectacle of parliament behaving worse than the crowd.  And people who got where they are on a vote from the people are with a straight face saying that it would be wrong to ask the people again now that everyone knows what lies were told and who has been the worst behaved.  Indeed, their Prime Minister says a second vote would be a ‘betrayal of democracy.’  Some say an election would be better – when both major parties are hopelessly splintered and there is no reason at all to think that a reconfigured group of those responsible for the present mess might do better.

The real betrayal of democracy has taken place in America.  Trump appealed to the crowd to reject the ‘elites’ – people who know what they are doing.  Neither he nor almost everyone in his government has any idea about governing.  But his betrayal is more elemental.  A President is elected, as Lincoln said ‘of the people, by the people, for the people.’  Trump could not care less about the people.  He is only interested in that ghastly minority that is called his ‘base.’  And since he thinks his base wants him to abandon affordable health care, he will try to kill it.  And to hell with the people.

It’s not just that the policies of people like Farage, Hanson and Trump are revolting – it’s the people they get to work with them that are also revolting.

It looks like the hour of the crowd is with us again and it may never have looked worse.

Bloopers

But Trump bends history to his will.  May simply bends under the will of others.

The Weekend Australian, 30-31 March, 2019.  Mr G Sheridan

It is an interesting view of the strong man.  Amazingly, the editorial was even sillier.

Three New Books

Each of the six books I have published commercially was put out by one of a quartet of commercial publishers.  One was Australian Scholarly Publishing.  It is now preparing the three books referred to below. 

At my age, longevity is not on the menu, and I will be limited in my contribution to the process.  Feel free therefore to spread the news. 

I set out below the blurb and Foreword for the three books and I will publish extracts later.

The War against Humanity

The Decline of Courtesy and the Fall of Dignity in Government and Business

Blurb

Are you afraid?  Do you trust government or business?  Do you ever get to speak to a sensible person?  Some corporates pay their chiefs fifty times those left under them – the fewer, the better.  An essential arm of government, the professional civil service, died two generations ago.  We are the playthings of robots and inured to discourtesy and inhumanity.  Inequality brings inequity.  1984 came generations before the AI fission that now threatens us.  Quo vadis?

Foreword (Extract)

The principle of humanity

In 2018, a Boeing aircraft for no apparent reason plunged to the earth killing all on board. Less than a year later, another Boeing of the same model suffered the same fate. More than three hundred people died in these crashes. In each case, the fault was found to be a failure in the computerised mechanisms that resulted in the pilot’s not being [BS1] able to override the robot driving or flying the plane. Boeing struck a deal with regulators and was then prosecuted for fraud for reneging on it. So, with the guidance of Groucho Marx, they struck another deal.

These frightful tragedies made headline news all around the world. And yet all of us in our everyday life continually suffer every day because people we deal with hide behind, and cannot or will not override, robots. Our very humanity is being challenged and undermined in almost everything we do.

We are in truth facing a war against humanity – and the hideous revenge of the robots.

We that were once young chatter about a movie that was made shortly before we babyboomers arrived, and which we have seen so often – Casablanca. What is the secret of its aura or alchemy? And what is it about so many of those on the screen that continues to enchant us – to put us under their spell – again and again?

It is clear enough with Ingrid Bergman, and her provoking veneer of propriety – the hats are just a bonus. But plain Humphrey Bogart? Just what is it that sets him so far apart – and so much higher than the rest?

Well, he is not afraid to show us when he is hurt. You have to see it on the big screen to catch the look of white terror in his eyes when Ilsa walks back into his life at Rick’s in Morocco. This is very high theatre, indeed. It’s the kind of look the Commendatore could have extracted from Don Giovanni. 

And there is something else. Bogart looks like he takes the trouble to think. Perhaps that’s what gets us in. He thinks. And he feels. The great man is, after all, human – just like the rest of us. The tough guy is in fact vulnerable. And the woman is downright sexy as well as being sublimely beautiful. If there were any robots in Casablanca, they came in Nazi uniforms, or from the usual suspects.

The Adversarial Trial

Gone with the Wind

Blurb

At common law, juries decided issues of fact and the stronger case won.  Under the inquisitorial mode, a dossier is compiled, and the judge inquires into a kind of truth in a massive judgment.  The result resembles a sandpit for the rich and infamous.   A veteran lawyer looks at the lack of courage in the profession to accept responsibility.  This book is not just for lawyers, but Justice Nettle says it should be essential for those aspiring to the Bar.

Foreword

This book is about how to practise law in litigation.

The five papers in this book come from different phases in a lifetime spent in the practice of our law.  That time now spans more than half a century.  I spent it as a barrister or solicitor – I have never been too fussy about the distinction – with more than thirty years presiding over statutory tribunals on a sessional basis.  My professional life was seasoned with many enlivening sojourns at the universities of Cambridge, Harvard and Oxford. 

For the last twenty-five years or so, my focus has been on analysis and writing about the law or related issues in its history, literature, and philosophy.  I have done so in far too many papers and books (of an embarrassingly large number).  This used to be called jurisprudence, but the time of the jurist has passed.

I have therefore seen the practice of the law from many angles – including a time in 1985 drawing a bill for an act of the Victorian Parliament to regulate lawyers’ fees (which the lawyers persuaded John Cain to drop before I got run out of town).

There is a theme common to the five papers.  It is the failure of our profession to deliver fair and timely justice.  This comes from a lack of experience and a failure of nerve.  As a result, it would be tart to say that our sovereign is in breach of his obligation not to sell, or to delay or deny justice – tart, but not unfair or wrong.  And Magna Carta is still part of our law – what might be called a ‘sovereign’ law.

The citation from the end of King Lear gives the reader what auctioneers call ‘Fair Warning’ that you are entering the zone of a Grumpy Old Man – and I know what fate awaited that Grumpy Old Man.  (It was only partly foreseen in Hamlet.)

But I do think that we as a profession have been far too lax, at least in the civil cases discussed here, in dealing with symptoms of a very obvious decline in the way that we discharge our professional obligations to the people whom we have the honour to serve.

Trial by jury in civil actions has all but gone from our common law in my lifetime, as we have veered toward the Roman or European model of inquisitorial dossier – or docket.

And a prime reason for the decline in the practice of our law is our failure to teach and learn the history of that law – which is just history in a phase of momentary arrest.

Another reason is the failure to apply the basic laws of evidence – that embody logic, fairness, and common sense.  No-one should be appointed to hear and determine legal issues until these rules are second nature.

I apologise for the repetition in these papers.  My bad form on these subjects is contained in the previously published papers referred to near the end of the Notes to this book.  In addition, I think the Victorian Bar News published a censored version of the paper on The Law of Evidence – as I recall it, a gaggle of editors thought I was insufficiently respectful of the Bench.

In my view, my generation has badly let down those following us.  I fear for my grandchildren and children even.  I don’t think we have done as much for them as our parents did for us.

The Pursuit of Happiness

Staying Afloat in a Profession

Blurb

Not many go to God wishing they had spent more time at the office.  A seasoned professional looks at how to build a platform for life around a profession.  The curse of technology allows us now cheaply to furnish our spirits with the fruits of civilization – literature, music, the drama and communion of sport, art, the cellar, the kitchen, the bush, and the world.  Sense and sensibility.  If you’re just there for the money, you’ll go mad.

Preface

The great German historian Theodore Mommsen richly enjoyed life both inside and outside the academy.  He wrote prolifically, but that did not stop him siring sixteen children.  He is one of those scholars who had done all the hard work at the bottom – so that when he pauses to make a large observation, we listen to him.  He knew what it was to get fulfilment in large if not equal measure at both home and at work. 

In his magisterial History of Rome (which brought him a Nobel Prize), Mommsen said:

When man no longer finds enjoyment in work, and works merely in order to attain enjoyment as quickly as possible, it is a mere accident that he does not become a criminal.

If you work mainly for the tax man or the bank manager, you will learn the sad truth memorably stated by an English philosopher that the life of man may be ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short’.

Publishing a book on your personal philosophy may not be a good move in Australia.  Nor would it do to publish one under the title of one chapter of this book – ‘What I believe’.

But I have been allowed to lead a full life both within my profession and outside it, and I want to try to pass on some of that good fortune.  It may help others struggling to maintain what is called ‘life balance’ if I set out what I see as the reasons that my luck still holds.

I have written the book for anyone trying to get where they want in a profession or business while becoming more fulfilled elsewhere, but the material may be of use or interest more generally.

After a discussion of what is entailed by membership of a profession (which draws heavily on a chapter in The Making of a Lawyer, Hardie Grant, 2008), there is a chapter on my underlying beliefs, and a chapter each on the furniture of the mind and life outside the profession.  The final two chapters illustrate underlying themes – something like what used to be called a ‘commonplace book.’

I am suspicious of business plans, and even more suspicious of ‘life projects’, but there is something to be said for taking time now and then to reflect on what it is all about.  We should in my view proceed on the footing that we only get one go at this, and the old saying was that you will not hear someone on their deathbed saying ‘I wish I had spent more time in the office.’

I have been fortunate.  The law is just history in a state of mild arrest.  It requires stabs at prediction after logical analysis and a sniff of the zeitgeist.  Then you try to find the point and express it.  Then there is the drama of the contest.  So, all the strands of my interests, training, and experience come together.  Shakespeare is a good example.  As is test cricket.  Or Gibbon.  Not many people are so lucky.  


More on egotism

When discussing egotism and Donald Trump, I referred to the writing of Pieter Geyl, a Dutch historian I greatly admire, in discussing the kind of person who does not show sympathy for any others.  Geyl wrote a book – in part while imprisoned by the Nazis – Napoleon: For and Against.  One thing about French historians is that you rarely wait more than a page or two before learning where they stand.When discussing egotism and Donald Trump, I referred to the writing of Pieter Geyl, a Dutch historian I greatly admire, in discussing the kind of person who does not show sympathy for any others.  Geyl wrote a book – in part while imprisoned by the Nazis – Napoleon: For and Against.  One thing about French historians is that you rarely wait more than a page or two before learning where they stand.

Michelet reveled in the ‘People’ and saw in Napoleon a ‘mere self-seeking adventurer, the betrayer of the Revolution, and of the peoples.’  For good measure, he accused Napoleon of cowardice.

Taine came from a radically different position.  He was no friend of ‘the people’.  This is was what Geyl says was Taine’s view of Napoleon.

The complete egoist is a solitary being, irretrievably cut off from his fellow men.  He is self-insulated against all spontaneous feelings of sympathy, admiration or pity…. So intense is his egoism that he is unable to conceive of any other driving force in other men.  This great realist is morally blind, and his scorn for men leads him into stupid blunders…. He surrounds himself with servants instead of collaborators.  If someone inclined to independence compromises himself in his service…. he rejoices at the greater hold over the man this will give him.  Napoleon demands the performance of turpitudes…. He can see men only as instruments.  He hounds on his ministers, his generals, his officials, even his puppet kings, his brothers, like a slave-driver.  His harsh commanding voice easily takes on the accents of brutality, even of a refined cruelty.  He wounds, he humiliates, he tries to break spirits.  The lot of those nearest to him was far from enviable.  Strict etiquette and a tone of eternal constraint prevailed at the court.  Everyone trembled before the master, who could not cease, even for a moment, to be a master.

That describes any degenerate Roman emperor; that moral train wreck called Donald Trump; and any man utterly unfit for any form of public trust.

Later Geyl gives the views of Mme de Rémusat, which are very similar to those of Mme de Staël. …. he was completely heartless, without any spontaneous human feeling, nothing but self-love and accomplishing all his works in a whirl of egoism and crafty calculation…. So conscious of these qualities in himself that he measured all others by the same standard, thus committing the greatest psychological errors.  He was quite unable to believe in disinterested charitable action.  If he was forced to admit their existence, he only despised the doer, doubly despised him, for he started with a low opinion of mankind in general….

There is, someone said, nothing new under the sun.

The ultimate question – in an early play

The other day, I got scolded, again, but fairly, for remarking that we humans are like Hottentots dancing around the rim of a live volcano.  It keeps coming back to me.  All history tells me that we humans can go back to the primal slime from which the apes came, and we can behave like savages.  King Lear looked at our condition when we go out of our minds and become like flies to wanton boys.  (You may recall that Titus, the hero in Titus Andronicus, goes wild when a fly is swatted.)  The madness that Carlyle saw in the hearts of men is, therefore, properly a matter for high art on the stage or screen.

My most recent reference to the Hottentots came in discussing the reference of the Dutch historian Pieter Geyl to the moral cowardice of those who refused to intervene in the savagery of the September massacres during the French revolution.  While discussing how moral cowardice is on show in the U S in the refusal of the senators and others to control Trump, my eye fell on a remark about Napoleon that Geyl attributed to Madame de Staël:

He is the complete egoist, for whom human sympathy does not exist, for whom men are despised tools, pieces on a chess board.

That sounds just right.  I know what she meant – and I recognise the type of person.  But when I looked for such a character in Shakespeare, the really bad guys – like Aaron, Richard III or Iago -did not seem to fit the bill. And, then, with some encouragement from our editor, I came to Saturninus, the feckless emperor of Rome in Titus Andronicus.

You may recall that the play opens with Saturnine making a spoiled-child plea for the purple.  The hero, Titus, returns from the wars against the Goths.  He orders a human sacrifice.  The victim is a son of the queen of the Goths, Tamora.  Then Titus refuses the purple and offers it to Saturnine who sets out to prove the villain.  After the failure, of Saturnine to secure the daughter of Titus, Lavinia, as a bride, Titus in a fit kills his own son, and Saturnine marries Tamora.  We meet the black monster of evil called Aaron, who will play around with Tamora – and we are set for a revenge play to beat all other revenge plays.  Sons of Tamora rape and mutilate the daughter, and meet their end being served up to their mother in a pie.  Then Titus snuffs out Lavinia, and there is more carnage in the end than with Hamlet or King Lear. 

Whatever else this play is about, therefore, it is not civilisation.  And if the hero in one of this writer’s tragedies has to have a fatal flaw, Titus is as flawed as you could get.

Saturnine is a man – well, someone – for whom human sympathy just does not exist.  He is like a cardboard cut-out who moans about the injustice that the world foists on him.  And he is a world class whiner.

Why, lords, what wrongs are these! Was ever seen

An emperor in Rome thus overborne,

Troubled, confronted thus, and for the extent

Of equal justice used in such contempt? (4.4.1-4)

The spoiled child rises to the highest office – and feels persecuted.  Trump would not have surprised this playwright.

The play is loaded with references to honor and to Rome.  The forest sees the savagery – the barbarous.  But what the play tells us is that the city of Rome is more savage and barbarous than any forest.  The whole play blows to smithereens the notion that ancient Rome was civilised.  Shakespeare was here doing to that myth what he would do to the myth of medieval chivalry in Falstaff and the mockery of ‘honor’.  (The turn of the Greeks comes in Troilus and Cressida in which the poster-boy hero Achilles is seen as a jerk.)

This point has not been sufficiently noticed. May I make three observations?

First, ancient Rome was built on slavery and a protection racket called empire.  Oxbridge may have been content to indulge in the myth when England ruled the waves and an empire, but not after it quit India at the behest of a half-naked fakir – and then got used to losing in cricket to the erstwhile colonies.

Secondly, ancient Rome, at least under the emperors, lacked the first requirement of a civilised nation.  You won’t find it discussed by Kenneth Clark in his great series on Civilization –but he was an art critic.  As our greatest jurist, Sir Owen Dixon, reminded us, ‘the rule of law’ was foreign to Roman Law.  (Elsewhere his Honour commented that ‘the supremacy of the law’ is an idea that we owe to the Middle Ages.)  The king is under the law because the law makes the king; all people are equal in the eyes of the law; and we cannot lose any rights except under the law.  We are to be ruled by laws, not people.  There you have the sine qua non of civilization – which you do not get in the David of Michelangelo.

There is not a whiff of it in Titus Andronicus. The contrary is the case.  Rome is a ‘wilderness of tigers’ and arbitrary caprice runs unchecked.  There is one horrifying example.  A ‘clown’ – a battler from the bush according to my Everyman edition – brings to the court a letter that Saturnine does not like.  The response?  ‘Go, take him away, and hang him presently.’  (4.4.44) All of Gibbon might be an essay on caprice.

There is a related issue.  Sir Ronald Syme in The Roman Revolution said that the constitution of the Roman republic was a ‘sham’.  Not a small claim from a distinguished historian (and a Kiwi).  The failure to have a mode of succession – on one occasion the Praetorian Guard put the purple up for auction – was an essential part of the decline and fall of the Roman empire.  This play begins with an example of the damage to the fabric of Roman society.

Gibbon said:

Such was the unhappy condition of the Roman emperors, that, whatever might be their conduct, their fate was commonly the same.  A life of pleasure or virtue, of severity or mildness, of indolence or glory, alike led to an untimely grave; and almost every reign is closed by the same disgusting repetition of treason and murder.

So much for civilization.  Gibbon said that the wonder was not that the empire fell, but that it had held on for as long as it did.  And he hoped that the world would never see its like again.  As might we all – because of the dreadful picture painted in this play.

Thirdly, ancient Rome was characterized by cruelty that we could not tolerate today. At the period of this play, the Romans had not been exposed to the Ten Commandments, much less the Sermon on the Mount, and their religion looks as dodgy as their constitution.   

Put to one side throwing Christians to the lions.  Open Tacitus or Gibbon at just about at any page and get ready to be revolted.

Here are comments on Tacitus from a book of mine about historians:

Eventually, Sejanus over-reaches and is murdered.  What Professor John Burrow describes as ‘the appalling ruthlessness of Roman political atrocity’ is pitifully depicted in the treatment of the son and daughter of Sejanus in one of the cruellest passages of Western history.

The general rage against Sejanus was now subsiding, appeased by the executions already carried out.  Yet retribution was now decreed against his remaining children.  They were taken to prison.  The boy understood what lay ahead of him.  But the girl uncomprehendingly repeated: ‘What have I done?  Where are you taking me?  I will not do it again!’  She could be punished with a beating, she said, like other children.  Contemporary writers report that because capital punishment of a virgin was unprecedented, she was violated by the executioner, with the noose beside her.  Then both were strangled, and their young bodies were thrown on to the Gemonian Steps. 

The Gemonian Steps were next to the prison.  They were called the Stair of Sighs.  After execution, dead prisoners were thrown on to these steps, and then dragged to the Tiber.  This is a soft translation – another has it that the daughter was violated by the executioner ‘with the rope on her neck.’  It is on any view an appalling moment in Western letters.

All these issues are canvassed in Titus Andronicus.  It is not therefore surprising that Tony Tanner concluded his Preface by saying that it touches on issues of great moment –

What does our Roman heritage – and we in the West are all inheritors of Rome – really comprise and stand for?  And – is it possible ever to delimit and demarcate the ‘barbarous’?

They are truly issues of great moment – and the Hottentots are my answer.

Someone said we go to great writers for the truth.  Titus Andronicus is for me a great play that exemplifies this insight.  It is not a work of history, but a work of art to be performed in the theatre.  I am reminded of the advice given to me by a tutor, Dr David Smith, at Cambridge, that I should read Carlyle’s The French Revolution not as history, but as a work of art, like an opera or epic poem. 

And because we are dealing with our greatest writer, we should not be pigeon holed.  There are whiffs of Greek tragedy and commedia dell’arte that look odd in Elizabethan theatre, but this play blazes with explosive insight and drama.

There is a lot of snootiness about Titus Andronicus.  Auden dismissed it out of hand.  Learned people in search of a genre refer to Seneca.  (When did you last see his work on the stage?)  This play brings to my mind Brecht, Ionesco, and Picasso.  Or Waiting for Godot.  Or De Chirico and Jeffrey Smart.

We don’t put Michelangelo or Mozart in a box – and it is worse than folly to try that on with Shakespeare.  It is therefore a relief to read Jonathan Bate -the play is ‘not a self-indulgent spectacle of barbarism, but a profound meditation on how human beings cope, or fail to cope, with extreme suffering’.  That sounds to me like a meditation on the place of human sympathy.

This play is very hard to put on.   But its exposition by Julie Taymor in the film Titus is the best performance of a play by Shakespeare, on stage or screen, that I have ever been privileged to see – by the length of the straight at Flemington.  If I have said anything useful here, it probably comes from my time with that movie.

Saturnine and Trump lack sympathy and mock our humanity.  These spoiled children are soulless – empty vessels.  They are takers not givers.  They have no time or space for friends or God.  (Manning Clark may have said that the hand of the potter faltered.) 

Shakespeare by his art painted the picture, and Julie Taymor by her art allowed us hope.  The rest, someone said, belongs to the madness that is art.

Moral Cowardice

The French people were convulsed by violence on 14 July 1789 and during the years following.  Perhaps the worst came in 1792 in what are called the September massacres.  Panic seized the people and they held mock trials to massacre hordes of people in the jails.  There was a display of mad violence and slaughter that would have amazed and terrified a Zulu or Hottentot.

In a book called Events in France 1789 to 1794, I said:

The fear of enemies, within and without, preyed on Hébert and Marat and others.  The sense that the patrie really was en dangère – which puts at risk the heads of those found on the wrong side – led to the ghastly eruptions known as the September Massacres.    ‘Let the blood of the traitors flow.  That is the only way to save the country’, croaked Marat.  People in prisons were seen to be enemies of the people, no matter what their crime had been.  The fear was that they would be liberated by any army that reached Paris.  At various prisons men broke in to slaughter the inmates.  From about a thousand to fifteen hundred people, mainly ordinary criminals, were killed. 

It was common to set up a cruel mockery of a hearing where the suspect could be examined while listening to his or her predecessor being slaughtered behind the door.  One survivor of the Abbaye recalled that they used to watch the butchery so as to try to learn how to die with the least pain when their turn came.  ‘Man after man is cut down; the sabres need sharpening; the killers refresh themselves from wine-jugs.  Onward and onward is the butchery; the loud yells wearying into base growls.  A sombre-faced, shifting multitude looks on; in dull approval; in dull approval or dull disapproval; in dull recognition that it is a Necessity.’

Danton, the Minister for Justice, does nothing to stop what might be called the first terror. What can we now say or do except to reflect: ‘Of such stuff are we all made; on such powder-mines of bottomless guilt and criminality – if God restrain not as is well said – does the purest of us walk’?

The September massacres of 1792 are not just a case of inmates of gaols being no worse than their gaolers, or what might happen when power is given to those who are least to be trusted with power. Nor is it just a case of venomous force of envy and the cruelty of the revenge of the dispossessed. Nor is it just a case of the danger of rule by the people – it is a case of the danger of rule by people.  The mainstay of the rule of law is that we are ruled by laws, not men and women. The September Massacres are the jurists’ final nightmare – lynch mobs licensed by a failed state.

I shall come back to the horror of the French nightmare, but here is a comment on the massacres by the great Dutch historian Professor Pieter Geyl, in a paper written in 1954 about the famous French historian, Jules Michelet.  (It is in Debates with Historians that I have referred to before – a book of great beauty and learning.)

The worst, however, was that the event had demonstrated the impotence of the Convention.  To me the way in which that assembly allowed itself to be tyrannized over by the Paris Commune (in which the lowest elements now had the upper hand, as Michelet admits) seems an undeniable proof of moral cowardice, dishonouring the revolution.

In my book referred to above, I said:

The events that occurred in France between 1789 and 1794 are commonly put under a heading or label of ‘the French Revolution’.  There was of course no such thing.  A lot happened in France during those years – and there is no agreement on the relevant span of years.  Some people stop applying the label in 1794; some when Napoleon became Emperor in 1804; some when Europe was finally rid of him in 1815.  There is no doubt that one form of government in France had been removed by violence – by definition, a revolution had occurred.  But if the process of revolution continues until a new form of government is installed that is as stable as the last, then you will get a whole range of answers.

That conclusion seems to me to be inevitable.  And you can say the same about the references to ‘the people’.  Whole libraries have been filled with arguments about what kind of person, or class of people, did what to whom in what is called the French Revolution.  It follows that a reference to what ‘the people’ did in ‘the Revolution’ will be at best sloppy.  To English philosophers in 1954, any such statement would be nonsensical.

But Michelet gloried in both.  While things were going well.  But when it comes to the September massacres, it is not ‘the people,’ but ‘three or four hundred drunks.’  Or those ratbags in England and Pitt’s gold.  ‘The French people and the Revolution were guiltless.’ 

That is a fair summation by Geyl, but you will see from his reference to ‘dishonouring the revolution’ that he is caught in the same snare.  How do you dishonour a process?  And while some celebrated the revolt, others, such as Marie Antoinette, did not.  Whose side would you be on?  And if history is written by the winners, who won?  Looked at, say, from the scene of the bloodbath at Waterloo in 1815 – or the succession of bloodbaths that disfigured France throughout the nineteenth century, and which led to disasters like Sedan and Dreyfus – and Pétain?

Michelet gloried in ‘the people’, but for Geyl, Michelet shows in his ‘sentimentality about the bloody maniacs of 1793/4, moved by the new revelation of eternal truths, but also by hatred and fear, something positively repulsive’.  Geyl then goes on to refer to ‘national self-conceit’ and the Jacobins ‘and the crushing self-confidence with which, no doubt against the large majority of the French people, they upheld the General Will.’ 

Then: ‘Can the use of that term the people in the interests of a minority dictatorship more patently betray itself for the juggling trick it is?’  He later refers to ‘necessity the tyrant’s plea’ and the statement of Michelet that France undertook for the rest of the world the war ‘which between 1792 and 1815 cost her ten millions of her children’.  Geyl coolly remarks that in saying that, Michelet ‘credits the account of France with the wars of Napoleon, in whom he saw a despot, but who is nevertheless supposed to have fought for the liberties of mankind.  Indeed, he cannot at any time mention Waterloo without the bitterest resentment.’

Here was the historian who, Geyl says, referred to the Church as ‘the wily seducer of the stupid crowd’.

I feel impelled to ask whether in order to enjoy ‘moral freedom’, one should not be on one’s guard against making a fetish of unity; ought not conceited chauvinism to be regarded as a snare; and taking a more general view, should not one disdain to spare one’s illusions the touch of rational criticism?

This is wonderful analysis and writing.  And it matters on at least three grounds.

First, we may look like Hottentots dancing around the rim of a live volcano that may at any time claim us.  Carlyle – I will not say how often I have read his account – saw all this.

One other thing, or rather two other things, we will still mention, and no more:  the blond perukes; the Tannery at Meudon.  Great talkers of these Perruques Blondes: O reader, they are made from the Heads of Guillotined Women; the locks of a Duchess, in this way, may come to cover the scalp of a cordwainer, her blonde German Frankism his black Gaelic poll, if it be bald.  Or they may be work affectionately, as relics, rendering one suspect?  Citizens use them, not without mockery; of a rather cannibal sort.  ….  Still deeper into one’s heart goes that Tannery at Meudon; … ‘There was a tannery of Human Skins; such of the Guillotine as seem worthy flaying: of which perfectly good wash-leather was made; for bleaches and other uses.  The skin of the men, he remarks, was superior in toughness (consistance) and quality of shamoy; that of the women was good for almost nothing, being so soft in texture …’  Alas, then, is man’s civilisation only a wrappage, through which the savage nature in him can still burst, infernal as ever?  Nature still makes him: and has an Infernal in her as well as a Celestial.

All that was beyond Michelet – and is now ignored by most of France.  Only the numbers would have surprised Carlyle, or Geyl, a sometime prisoner of the Nazis, about Auschwitz.

Secondly, the west is experiencing a pestilence of politicians claiming to speak for ‘the people’   The politest term for them is charlatan or mountebank, and one thing we do learn from history is that in the violence of a revolution, scum rises to the surface.

Thirdly, the moral outrage expressed by Geyl, especially at ‘moral cowardice’, is a reminder that we should call things for what they are – not least at the moral cowardice shown by those one-time pillars of the Washington community in failing to do their duty in curtailing a common criminal and sometime dictator who preposterously claims to stand for ‘the people’.

Why do they fail?  They are scared, and they are ‘tyrannised over’ by a false leader and his henchman.  Even Michelet asked if the Convention was ‘an assembly of cowards’. 

If Michelet could ask that of the French, the good people of the United States can ask it of themselves.

The weight of this sad time we must obey;
Speak what we feel, not what we ought to say.

The oldest hath borne most: we that are young
Shall never see so much, nor live so long.

Foxtel

Mayhem in the Philippines

This open letter comes from a twenty-year subscriber to Foxtel, an eighty-year-old lawyer, who is close to the exit.

I wish to give a subscription to someone close to me.  After a long and difficult discussion on the phone yesterday with the Philippines, I agreed that Foxtel would deliver a box to my friend, that they would confirm the new account by email to me, and that I would be charged one year’s subscription when the box was delivered. 

I got no email, but I got charged $1000. 

My friend got a Do Not Reply email from Australia Post saying a package from Foxtel was on the way.  She got nowhere on the phone with the Philippines.

We were both left in the wilderness.

I called the Philippines again today.  It was equally painful.  At first, they said that they had emailed my friend – but could not send me a copy – or confirm receipt from me of $1000.  After further wrangling, they agreed to email me.  I finally got an email – Do Not Reply, of course – acknowledging the payment – and welcoming me to Foxtel!  No mention of my friend. 

But it is a start.

Robots are debasing humanity, and their rich owners could not give a damn.

I have a disclaimer.  I am in the course of publishing a book: The War against Humanity, The Decline pf Courtesy and the Fall of Dignity in Government and Business.  Foxtel is already a prominent culprit.   See below.  This is just the latest insult.

Our governments are not acting on these failings, because they are guilty of similar misconduct.

We the people, and the law, need to combine to deal with these outrages.

These companies go out of their way to be unreachable – untouchable even.  They may not be smash hits in parts of India.  A box of Jaffas therefore to someone who can give me an email address at which I might reach a human – perhaps even in Oz. 

And I should say I have no issue with the Philippines.  They have produced some of the finest nurses to have treated me – nightmares for Pauline. 

When she gives up her present place, Pauline could be a real goer at Foxtel.

Foxtel extract in book.

Foxtel

This happened a few years ago.  It was a Friday evening – 5 pm.  Just in time for the BBC on the war in Ukraine.  Followed by some footy.  It had been a long and traumatic day.  The shift of the final pieces of furniture into the new flat. 

Moving is traumatic – like a divorce in reverse gear.  The TV cabinet was one of the last pieces to come in.  (I must hide the TV.  Looking at a blank screen is not good – for me or the décor.)  That meant reverting to the old small TV that could fit in the cabinet.  Eduardo and his mate from Colombia made the switch and linked up the TV to the Foxtel box. – and it worked.  Bravo Eduardo!  But on pouring a red and turning it on – no signal from Foxtel.

BUGGER. 

You don’t need that after a day of moving.  Why did it work before but not now?  Well, I had little option but to ring Foxtel.  God knows how much I fear and detest that process.  I had endured five weeks with only the BBC because I did not wish to ring Foxtel.  It ranks with Telstra for pure bastardry.  What prompted the six week lay-off was that after an abortive hour or so on the phone, I got on to someone by SMS.  Bonzer – you ring me on the blower and we will fix it in no time.  Sorry, mate – not allowed.  Oh, go on.  No. I simply cannot.  I am not allowed. 

What was implied but not express?  I need the work and I will lose it if I depart from the Foxtel script – even just to be sane and decent.  And in the name of God, don’t let anyone even dare to suggest that Foxtel employs me! 

This is the point.  Even if you ever get through to a human being, you are speaking to a unit of communication rigidly controlled by a robot.  The people are forbidden to use what minds they may have.  They have in truth been converted into robots.

So, I take a gulp of red and make the call.  Just after 5 pm.  The process would conclude in darkness at about 7.30 pm that night.  Bob – the names are fictitious – had that strained, artificial voice we are used to at call centers.  Brusque, syrupy, script reading trying to mask nervous ignorance and straight fear.  Stick to the script.  Deviation not allowed.  For example, Bob could not process the fact that the removalist who had made the connection was not a Fox technician.  And the fact that I was operating the TV manually without a remote – at that stage of the move – sounded prima facie suspicious.  That provoked about two consultations with management.  In God knows what parts of the planet at either end.

The darkness of night descends every time you wander out of the trouble-shoot program.  Bob puts me on hold from time to time to get help.  He does not get it.  After about thirty minutes, Bob accepts that the issue is beyond him.  I ask why the set worked before but not now.  Every time, the answer gets more convoluted.  Way above Bob’s pay level – or that of anyone within cooee of Bob or me. 

One time we stop so that Bob can ring me back.  That makes me very nervous, but he manages to bridge the gap safely.  We discuss getting a technician.  It was of course ludicrous to suggest that Foxtel might be able to do that over the weekend.  Which happens to be the time when people who follow sport – that is, most Australian subscribers to Foxtel – most want it.  But Bob has continuing trouble with the schedule for technician calls.  He will ring me back.  Again.

The second call was too much for Bob.  After half an hour, I decided that Bob must have fallen down a very big hole.  Back to the blower.  Thank God for the relief and sustenance of the red.  But Sue has to start again from scratch.  I just want to know when the technician will be here.  No – there is a process that must be followed.  We must exclude all other causal factors.  (Did Sue see herself as Hercule Poirot?  Or David Hume?  Or Jean-Paul Sartre?)  This is after the usual delays and recorded warnings and lies. 

So, I have to prove my identity.  Again.  The person to be called back has to prove he is not a mirage or a fraud – and he might be wobbly on the first by now.  Sue had trouble matching my email address.  I gathered this may have been what sent Bob clean off the rails.  By the end, Sue gathered from what I had said and from Bob’s notes that I just needed to be told when the technician would arrive.  After more than two hours all up, Sue could not tell me – except that she thought it would be Monday, and that I would get an email about it – followed by an SMS.

I did get an email.  It was of course ‘noreply’.  Your function is to be neither seen nor heard.  We robots are not quite perfect yet.

In fairness, I should say that when I actually got to deal with a human person on the service call, he was a model of sense, practicality and courtesy.  Mark might be the Platonic form of the handyman.  Mark hails from England – around Milton Keynes.  We discussed the bus trip from Cambridge to Oxford – by the time you get to Milton Keynes, you might be sea-sick from the roundabouts.  (Going to the loo is not a good idea for the boys on that bus.)

Top bloke, Mark – pity about the outfit for whom he was subbing.

Twelve days later the box started giving trouble again.  The following day, I settled on the sale of my house, and I was looking forward to a rest with Mozart’s Idomeneo followed by the footy on TV – Easter Eve with a 2010 Bordeaux.  The box was completely gone now.  Another evening and celebration ruined by Foxtel.  On the blower.  Fifty-eight minutes – say a half of football.  As it happened, Regina was understandable and appeared to know what she was doing.

But a day or two later, the box failed again, and I settled for a broken service for a while before taking my life into my hands and picking up the phone again.  Then the box got the staggers seriously.  Some nights I had to reboot; some nights, not.  Then I got a rude SMS saying the direct debit had not been good for the fee for the service call.  I might be penalized or disconnected.  There should have been no fee because the fault was not with Eduardo, but with the Foxtel box.  So, I try to log in to pay a fee obtained under false pretenses.  The robot refuses the Password.  I apply for a new one.  Even then they lie.  ‘We have sent you an email.’  No, you have not.  Still, the robot kindly informs you that you may try again! 

And then comes the insult to beat all insults.  The robot asks you to sit a little test – to prove that you are not a robot!  It’s like when you see your contact at the bank for the fourth time in a week, but before they actually do something, you have to produce your driver’s licence to prove your identity.

I tried by SMS.  That failed.  So, I went to talk directly to the robot on the phone.  Five minutes active typing.  Did my father’s father fight on the Western Front for this kind of humiliation of his descendants?

And so it goes, as Kurt Vonnegut said a propos the bombing of Dresden.  Truly, truly – George Orwell let us off lightly with Big Brother.

Now a month or two later, I made a written complaint and got a ‘No reply’ response.  So, I just endure having to reboot almost every time I turn the box on at night.  Then after another period in the waste land, I got a new box after talking to a very pleasant lady who sounded like she may have been auditioning for the role of Flower of Delight in the next production of Kim.  Then the problem recurred in the new box.

Is it possible to conceive of a business being run honestly and decently when it prevents its customers from talking to them?

And don’t these outfits, and those who run them, know or care about the rage we feel at the contempt that they show to us?  This is a bad product sold by a bad company that is an unattractive child of two unattractive companies.

Just look again at the statement of ‘Foxtel Values’ in the inscriptions at the start of the book.  As bullshit goes, this is transcendental.  And is it lawful for directors of a trading company to say that customers come first – ahead of the shareholders?

Corruption in the United States

The staggering corruption of government in the United States prompted me to look again at what Sir Lewis Namier, the great English historian said about corruption in England in the eighteenth century.  It was Namier who rewrote the history of that time by looking at how the whole machinery of government was run on what they called patronage and we call corruption.

Here are some citations from his writing.  What strikes me about the Trump family is how brazen they all are and how tamely acquiescent their victims are – and the people are the victims.  Namier was talking about bribery while Trump specialises in enrichment – but the same moral or ethical considerations apply.  And at least in Australia, I think the same legal consequences follow.

The proper attitude for right-minded Members was one of considered support to the Government in the due performance of its task…But if it was proper for the well-affected Member to co-operate with the Government, so long as his conscience permitted, attendance on the business of the nation was work worthy of its hire, and the unavoidable expenditure in securing a seat deserved sympathetic consideration.  …. Bribery, to be really effective, has to be widespread and open…

Trade was not despised in eighteenth-century England – it was acknowledged to be the great concern of the nation; and money was honoured, the mystic common denominator of all values, the universal repository of as yet undetermined possibilities…. A man’s status in English society has always depended primarily on his own consciousness; for the English are not a methodical or logical nation – they perceive and accept facts without anxiously inquiring into their reasons or meaning.  (England in the Age, etc., 2nd Ed, 1961); ‘…. Fox would probably have found it easier to account for his fears than for the money…

On Charles Townshend: He did not change or mellow; nor did he learn by experience; there was something ageless about him; never young, he remained immature to the end…Conscious superiority over other men freely flaunted, a capacity for seeing things from every angle displayed with vanity, and the absence of any deeper feelings of attachment left Townshend, as Chase Price put it, ‘entirely unhinged’.

I have put emphasis on the extent of the moral collapse.

The work of Namier generally led me to say.

The English aristocracy survived, almost alone in Europe.  They had been able to reach an accommodation with the Commons in shaping the English constitution, and they reached an accommodation with business and money in shaping British trade.  This triumph of the English aristocracy is unique in all Europe, and the failure of English historians to notice it, let alone celebrate it, is a sad reflection upon the provincialism and specialization of too much of English historical writing. 

Namier saw it plainly, but he was from out of town.  Maitland frequently stressed the need for a comparative outlook, and was deeply interested in German history.  French historians such as Marc Bloch and Georges Lefebvre laced their analyses of the history of France and Europe with comparisons with what was happening across the Channel, and their work was so much more illuminating as a result. 

But English historians do not often return that serve.  How often do you read in English history how the French law of derogation precluded the French lords from engaging in trade?  For example, under the heading La Noblesse et L’Argent, (The Nobility and Money), Georges Lefebvre remarked that ‘the French lords envied the English lords who became rich on mixing with the bourgeoisie and who, thanks to their Parliament, formed the ministry and government of the nation.’

The English lack of interest in Europe has borne fruit, and is currently celebrating a kind of mordant vindication, but the mind-set may also be at risk of being described as insular – definitively insular – with all the darkening and proud exclusion that that state of mind entails.

Sadly, the United States as it stands is a very different beast.

Good news about U S

Most Australians look on sadly at the horror currently on show in the US – in large part because most of us are fond of it.  Here are two items to cheer us up.

First, the World Cup has been terrific – in spite of the glitch put on by two corrupt men who found and deserve each other.  As has been the case in my six visits there, visitors are charmed by the hospitality and the willingness to do business of the hosts in some of the world’s great cities.

Secondly, the U S press, the Fourth Estate, has excelled itself – in showing up the failures of all other estates.  I have followed Maggie Haberman for years.  She is joined by the Australian Jonathan Swan as consummate professionals in the book Regime Change.  It is a very disturbing work – that is now saluted in an editorial in The New Yorker.  (OK – they have tickets on themselves, but they have courtesy – they sent me a knockback so charming that I framed it.)  The book reminded me of the dark days of Vietnam and Nixon.  The U S has faults, but we learn about them from Americans – like Woodward and Bernstein, and Haberman and Swan.

All, then, is not lost.

Consorting

In 1992, I had to conduct a public inquiry into whether an American gaming machine operator should be given a licence to operate in Victoria.  The issue was red hot politically, and forensically it was the trickiest I have had to deal with.  Both sides wanted the hearing closed – the applicant for fear of damage to reputation, and the police because they had a number of confidential sources.  Counsel said it would take months.  We narrowed the grounds alleged against the applicant down to two potentially fatal objections, and told the trolley – bearing lawyers that they could have four days. 

One ground was that the applicant could not be trusted because he associated with known criminals.  Another was that he had lied to a gaming authority in the U S on an issue that could not be dismissed as trivial. 

We decided against the applicant on that second ground, and I did not feel the need to express a view on the other.  For some reason that I still cannot articulate, I felt reticent about the issue of associating with undesirables.  It savored of the old days and the Consorting Squad. 

I would not feel that reticence now.

Senior Counsel for the Police opened his case by saying that the applicant was asking the people of Victoria to take him on trust.  That sounded spot on to me, and it was in substance conceded.  It is I think part of our law that any person holding significant public office – certainly any minister of government – holds an office of public trust.  The slippery forensic term is ‘fiduciary’.  The applicant for the licence was putting himself in that position under the terms of the relevant legislation.  A bent person in that position could cause real harm in the community.

A person holding such an office faces problems, to put it softly, if it is shown that he or she regularly associated with – the dictionary definition of ‘consort’ – with criminals.  Let us take the President of the United States. A number of people he associated with regularly have been convicted and imprisoned.  The President was merely convicted.

Having someone you dealt with closely found guilty of serious crime must cast doubt on your judgment.  We can all be let down by friends or family, but after just one or two, the defence of accident wears thin.

Among other things, it might raise questions about not just the conduct, but the sense and the integrity of the office holder.

If the relationship touches on criminality, or unfaithfulness, there is the risk of pressure or blackmail.  (President Kennedy was an obvious example because of his licentiousness.  Trump has a worse problem with Epstein; and, possibly, Putin.) 

So it is with accepting large donations – which brings the risk, or at least the suspicion, of corruption.  How many people in business donate money to an actual or potential member of government just out of the goodness of their hearts?  If they are dealing with corporate funds, at least in a public company, is it lawful to dispose of capital with no expectation of any corporate return?  (How sensible was it for Nigel Farage to say that a gift of millions of pounds was made for private purposes, when it was expressed to be made so that he could continue safely in public life?)

It is here that we understand why military law referred to conduct unbecoming an officer (or prejudicial to good order and military discipline).  Conduct unbecoming refers to standards expected of officers, or that may dishonour their position or character or compromise their standing among others.  These are big issues that you may not expect to see dealt with under the general law – but they are vital in bodies set up for general public welfare.  In other words, they are vital to the regulation of at least some bodies of public trust. 

The old notion of conduct prejudicial to the regiment still finds expression in our law.  Our Defence Force Discipline Act, 1982, s 60 makes it a criminal offence, punishable by imprisonment, for a member to commit any ‘act likely to bring discredit on the Defence Force.’  (The primary offence is ‘prejudicing discipline.’)  You may be surprised by that wording, and I have never heard of its being invoked, much less leading to a jail sentence. 

But it addresses the kind of problem that may arise in a business or political context.  A fractious MP engages in faction fighting by taking the brawl to court – so causing immense harm to the standing of the party: in other words, he or she has committed an act ‘likely to bring discredit on’ the party.  It is called hanging out your dirty linen.  A very well-known footballer publicly expresses contempt for gay people – and the major sponsor of the footballer has a gay CEO.  The owners of a halal butcher’s shop in Footscray put a One Nation poster on their front window.  A director of a well-known trustee company gets on Sky News at night to celebrate the billions the Trump family is making out of Bitcoin and says that profiting from holding a position of public trust is the logical conclusion – nay, the ultimate triumph – of capitalism.  Gordon Gecko was right.  Greed is good.

(If you wish to see what our law says about disqualification of directors, and you have a taste for the macabre, you might look at s 206F of the Corporations Act, 2001 and compare that with the English act. This is in legislation said to be longer than War and Peace.)

In short, rank carries responsibilities, and appearances count.  You may recall the very old saying that justice must not only be done – it must manifestly be seen to be done.  Fiduciaries should recall the story of Caesar’s wife.  People whose conduct or history cause the public to lose faith in a public body may well be unfit to be members of that body.

That is why I would approach the case of the American gaming regulator differently now. 

It is also why I think that Donald Trump is unfit for any kind of public office.

That brings me to another ground for that conclusion.  Consorting with bad people may cast doubt on the judgment of a person, and it may also adversely affect the reputation of the relevant organisation.  The case of the footballer’s offending gay people is commonly the subject of the law constituted by the contract under which he is be is engaged.  (As I recall it, the Code Napoléon recognizes that in forming a contract, the parties make a law for themselves.)  This issue is not the subject of any statutory law I know of.

The common law, unlike Roman Law, was not in favour of importing notions of good faith under the general law of contract.  But as between principal and agent, and employer and employee – relations that fall under the umbrella of ‘fiduciary’ – the law imposes obligations of good faith, and loyalty.  (You can trace the obligation of loyalty back to feudal times.) 

It is a gross breach of the obligation of loyalty for an officer or agent of a public organisation publicly to disparage that organisation.  If the Chairman of BHP or the Australian Opera said his organisation had been hopeless for many years before he was appointed, he would be removed from office at the first opportunity. 

Yet the President of the United States does just that so often when he refers to its role in the world.  He looks to care only for himself, and to see all the world solely through his own perverted prism, as he enforces his own vulgarity on the presence of the Union in the capital, while obliterating – a favourite term among the goons – every part of what we call the rule of law that underlies our claim to civilization.

Seldom he smiles, and smiles in such a sort
As if he mocked himself and scorned his spirit
That could be moved to smile at anything.
Such men as he be never at heart’s ease
Whiles they behold a greater than themselves,
And therefore are they very dangerous.

The dark side of Uncle Sam

In broad terms, most people I know here and in England and Europe think well of the United States.  Here are some aspects of life and governance in the U S that give us pause.

  • Guns.  The first aim of government is to preserve the peace.  The U S Constitution refers to ‘Tranquillity’ and the ‘General Welfare’.  The U S has not achieved this first and most vital objective, and it sickens the world with its likeness to the Wild West and the days of the gangsters – and its ‘thoughts and prayers’ for the dead.
  • The Welfare State.  The U S refuses to provide the basic level of welfare adopted by the rest of the civilised world.  Both of these failings come from an inclination to ideology that is rejected in most of the English-speaking world, and show why people like us would never want to live in the U S. 
  • Ideology.  And this leaning to ideology – theory over practice – is the opposite to what we have been brought up to here under the Anglo-Saxon common law.  They have a reverence for the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution that looks as alien to us as it is naïve.  Their addiction to this moonshine is a fundamental difference that we might be forgiven for describing as immature.
  • World leadership.  The U S reached its apex in helping Germany and Japan recover after the Second World War.  Then came Cuba, Vietnam, Cambodia, Iraq, Afghanistan, and, now, Iran.  All faith destroying failures.
  • Failed presidents.  Too many since Eisenhower have been flawed intellectually or morally.  They have also shown a worrying tendency to keep it in the family – nepotism.
  • Acquiescence.  By and large the electorate lets the system get away with all this – although its voting systems are badly bent.  Their addiction to ideology has led them to refuse to make voting compulsory – something that would have delivered a very different political machine.
  • God.  Religion has influence in the U S that would be unthinkable outside Asia or Europe.  And it appears to us to be incandescently hypocritical and bad, for both God and the nation.  From the Puritans on, they have followed a crude Darwinism that equates success with the dollar with favour in the eyes of God.  They could never have adopted laws for dealing with poverty that were made by the English parliament under Elizabeth I – before white people arrived in America.  They now have beggars on the street in the richest country in the world.  That appalls us.
  • Exceptionalism.  From the Pilgrims through the Founding Fathers and beyond, they have seen themselves as exceptional – God’s chosen people.  The Puritan stain persists.  Their tourists used to be notorious braggarts, so that we were relieved when we went to America to deal with sensible people who wanted to get on with us – and who did not have a chip on their shoulder.
  • Patriotism.  Except when it comes to sport, we, and the English, do not embrace ‘patriotism’.  The Americans do, big time – as part of their exceptional proximity to God.  This is not new.  In 1838, de Tocqueville wrote: ‘Nothing is more embarrassing in the ordinary intercourse of life than this irritable patriotism of the Americans.’
  • Race.  Their problems of race are such that their treatment of the Black American puts in the shade their treatment of their First Nations.  And it, too, is linked with their exceptionalism.  The Declaration of Independence was premised on a lie.
  • Inequality.  People who know more about business and money than I do say that the American economy is unstoppable.  The U S has the most resilient business model in the world, but does it depend on its workers’ having no effective group strength or political expression?  And the inequality of wealth and income is morally appalling and has a life-threatening aspect that blew up a whole nation in 1789.
  • Intemperance.  Partly because of matters referred to above – like ideology and God – U S politics have lost the tolerance and restraint that are essential to democracy.  If its business model looks frayed, its political model looks busted.
  • Corruption.  Again because of its attitude to the State, God, and the Dollar, the U S is susceptible to corruption that is now a cancer on the political process and the nation as a whole to an extent not seen outside of Asia or Africa.
  • Blindness.  In spite of all these intimations of failure, they carry on blithely – insolently, even.  They do not know or accept how Europe and the English-speaking world now think so differently of them.

When you list those differences, you see immediately that the current president, Donald Trump, perfectly exemplifies each such failing of the U S – to the letter.  Trump has no friends and he will leave the U S in the same condition. 

A perfect example is his intervention in the World Cup.  He defiles everything he touches.  (Including the Fourth – when out came the hammer and sickle!)  He has now lowered the sporting reputation of the United States to that of Russia – and his great mate.  But his ego leaves no room for shame.

We are not talking of a failed state, but a fallen republic, that we look on with the despair described by Shelley.  But Trump lives fiercely in his own Wonderland.  He has barely ever read a book.  He therefore would not know of Shelley, or that a fairy tale by Hans Christian Andersen gave us the phrase ‘the emperor has no clothes.’

Trump and the Bible – and the Law

For to everyone who has, more will be given, and he will have abundance; but from him who does not have, even what he has will be taken away.  Matthew 25:29

That looks to me to be just right for Trump and family.

If someone put a gun to your head and extracted money from you by force, you would not be impressed if the criminal said this was not robbery because he was being frank and open about it.  Yet that seems to be the response of Trump to complaints about his deriving undreamed-of millions as a consequence of his being elected President – when he correctly believed that the alternative would have been imprisonment.

That of course is in the US.  Let me put three propositions about what I understand about our law here.

  • People in public office hold positions of trust.  (The legal epithet is ‘fiduciary’.)
  • As such, they are liable to account, in a forensic sense, for any profit they derive as a result of holding that office of trust.
  • This liability does not depend on fraud or bad faith (want of bona fides) – it arises from the mere fact that a profit was made.

The leading case was English.  A trading company incorporated a subsidiary in order to expand the business.  For this purpose, the directors had to put in extra capital.  When the shares in the subsidiary were sold, the directors stood to gain – they made a profit.  When they were replaced, the company said that they had to account to it for that profit.  Although there had been no dishonesty at all, the action succeeded.  The courts held that it did not matter whether the company had been damaged or had benefited from the transaction.  However honest or well meaning, the profiteer could not escape the risk of being called to account.  As a leading text comments (Law for Directors, Gibson, Federation Press, 2003, 48), ‘Directors who stand to gain directly and personally from contracts with companies of which they are directors can expect to meet this stern response.’

Now, something like this would be unlikely to happen in Australia for many reasons.  I suspect that in the U S, there would be an issue of ‘standing’ – about which they get very worked up over there.  But if it arose here, I know what side I would want to be on – the side of the angels – before a judge with teeth gleaming in eager anticipation. 

And I wonder how a neutral court might respond if, after a change of government, the United States sued Trump to account for the billion or so dollars he derived from his holding of public office.  At least his accountants have relieved such a court of an inquiry into quantum.  There would be plenty to go around, in this wonderful new Golden Age, so splendidly revealed in an acrid swamp in the beating heart of the Capitol.

And it would not take much ingenuity to deploy the law about aiding breach of trust to join the sons.  I knew people who tapped a bank for millions for allowing a crooked partner to rip out cash from a law firm’s trust account.  And then the attorneys at the other end would know that they might forfeit their professional indemnity insurance if they let one client get within fifty miles of the witness box.

Happy Fourth!