Villains – and evil

[This was posted before the recent U S election.  It is set out again because every word bears on how our worst fears have been realised since Trump took office.  In The New York Times, Thomas Friedman said the question is whether Trump is the dupe of Putin or a Mafia don running a protection racket.]

There is no such thing as evil.  It is not something that you can sprinkle on or detect in your fish and chips.  Rather, it is a label that we attach to some forms of conduct.  And what we usually have in mind are people who are ready, willing and able to hurt or kill other people for the sake of it – or, as the saying goes, for the hell of it.  There may be no other apparent motive.  The pickpocket, the drug dealer, the rapist, the blackmailer, the vengeful husband, the neo-Nazi – they all have a motive.  But the villain?

At the beginning of his lecture on Richard III, W H Auden said there is a difference between a criminal and what we call a villain.  ‘The villain is an extremely conscious person and commits a crime consciously and for its own sake.’  The leading examples in Shakespeare, apart from Richard III, are Aaron in Titus Andronicus, and Iago in Othello.

In ordinary language, an evil person is one who wants to do wrong by others.  Such a person gets called a villain.  That word has apparently come down to us from villein, the equivalent of the serf at the bottom of the medieval social ladder.  Brewer (Dictionary of Phrase and Fable) says that the notion of ‘rascality, wickedness and worthlessness now associated with villainis a result of aristocratic condescension and sense of superiority’.  That is very English.  (The editor cites a passage from the opening scene of As You Like It, where both meanings are in play in the one sentence.)

There is, at least in our literature, another type of villain, if I may be permitted that term.  Some characters are so made that they cannot stand goodness.  When in Paradise Lost, Satan comes across Adam and Eve, he ‘felt how awful goodness is’.  (And if Satan is not entitled to have a view on evil, no one is.)  Iago saw in Cassio a kind of ‘daily beauty’ that unsettled him.  The most gross example is John Claggart in Billy Budd – especially in the libretto of the opera.  Claggart is unmanned by the simple goodness of Billy. 

O beauty, o handsomeness, goodness!  
Would that I never encountered you!  
Would that I lived in my own world always,  
in that depravity to which I was born.  
There I found peace of a sort, there I established  
an order such as reigns in Hell…….
Having seen you, what choice remains to me?  
None, none! I’m doomed to annihilate you,  
I’m vowed to your destruction. ….
No, you cannot escape!  
With hate and envy, I’m stronger than love….

There is more.

But when we come to look at Richard III, we will see that some bad actors are driven by pure envy in looking at what others get in life that is certainly denied to them.  Iago drove Othello to be jealous of what he thought Cassio was up to with his wife, but Iago envied Cassio for his good fortune and success in life.  In the grizzly argot of our time, Iago, a man of ‘other ranks’ bitterly resented the elites.

In papers called Richard and Adolf and The Seduction of Seduction, I have looked at some of these issues, but here I wish to focus on what the play Richard III may tell us now about the phenomenon of Donald Trump.

But, first, I want to say something about the best-known character of Shakespeare – Sir John Falstaff.  Not in any order, Falstaff is a coward, a liar, a fraud, a womaniser, a drunk, and a rotten fat skunk.  And he is this playwright’s most popular and enduring character.  One reason is that he said things and did things to offend and upset the Establishment in ways that we would like to be able to do.  He put the boot into knighthood and chivalry as surely as Cervantes did with Don Quixote.  He was the champion of those who had missed out. 

Well, if you go to a MAGA rally, you will not find too many people successful in a profession, government, academe, or business.  (Nor will you find any at the bottom of the scale, sleeping rough.)

And we might here telegraph a warning about the significance of Falstaff.  Dr Johnson said the character was loaded with faults, ‘and with those faults that naturally produce contempt.’  But he concluded his remarks:

The moral to be drawn from this representation is that no man is more dangerous that he that with a will to corrupt hath the power to please; and that neither wit nor honesty ought to think themselves safe with such a companion when they see Henry seduced by Falstaff.  (My emphasis.)

I see the seduction as the other way around, but the point remains.  What is it that attracts us to some complete ratbags?  How do we get sucked in – conned?

In discussing Richard III, Dr Johnson said that Shakespeare was careful to suggest that the wickedness of Richard proceeded from his deformity – and from the ‘envy that rose at the comparison of his own person with others, and which incited him to disturb the pleasures that he could not enjoy’.  There is a lot of that in the Austrian corporal who was rejected by both Vienna and the German High Command.  But at the beginning of Richard III, in his opening speech, Richard says that with all his obvious defects, he is ‘determined to prove a villain.’  The author had paved the way in the prior play (Henry VI, Part III, 3.2 and 5.6), when Richard told us that he can smile and murder while he smiles – which he later does while stabbing a king to death, while saying that he has ‘neither, pity, love, nor fear…. I am myself alone.’  By the end of the preceding play, Richard had happily compared himself to Judas – and you can’t go lower than that.

Here then is the triumph of the ego in the ultimate smiling assassin.  Now, that is a title that we would award to Vladimir Putin rather than Donald Trump, but that does not mean that we may not get some guidance on how to deal with the latter, from the insights into our humanity of the greatest playwright the world has known.

Here are some points of resemblance and distinction.

Each comes from a background that is on any view ‘privileged’ – and each knows little about the rest of the world, and each cares even less.  Neither really cares for anybody else.  The self is all in all.

Each is in his own way childlike.  Each has a view of the world that is at best superficial.  Neither could imagine a world without himself.  Nothing in the world is relevant unless it relates to him.  Somehow. the ordinary rules do not apply to him.

Each disdains anything remotely resembling book learning.

Richard, like Trump, did not care for others, but he could seduce them.  In this they both resemble Don Giovanni.  The seducer is amoral and it’s as if their victims had some sort of death wish.  If these seducers have any conscience, and it is a real issue for both, it just does not work.

Conscience is but a word that cowards use,

Devised at first to keep the strong in awe;

Our strong arms be our conscience, swords our law!  (Richard III, 5.3.310-312)

That is the credo of the fascist.

People rarely get close or remain close to either of them.  They are mostly front.  Their egos do not allow much time out for others.  If someone breaks through, it is just a matter of time before they are ejected – with extreme prejudice.  Buckingham was Richard’s most loyal supporter in winning the crown.  When he feels the rift, he is ‘off while my fearful head is on’ (4.2.121).  With Trump, the rift comes when the lackey gets caught, and Trump drops him cold – and in the slammer.

You could not reason with either.  They create their own reality.  Both resemble spoiled children who never learned better, or grown up.

They enjoy the game of plotting to get power.  They are born gamblers.  Why not?  They take huge risks because they don’t mind if others get hurt.  But they are very bad on the job when they get it.  They were not made for responsibility in government – or anything else.  In this and other respects, they are like spoiled children who have not known what it is to be accountable.

Revenge for them is very personal.  This is because the loyalty they expect is very personal.  People owe loyalty not to the office or the nation, but to the leader personally.  This was the great error of the German High Command in dealing with Adolf Hitler, and it is the beginning of the shredding of anything like the rule of law.  What you get is personal power of someone above the law.  The old term was ‘tyrant’.

There was a beautiful example with the singer, Taylor Swift.  She was a threat because she might prove more popular than Trump.  And she had backed the other side.  Trump said there was ‘no way she could endorse Crooked Joe Biden’ and would never be ‘disloyal to the man who made her so much money’.  Congress had passed an act giving financial aid to singers, but to Trump, it never gets above the personal.  In Darkness at Noon, by Arthur Koestler, the last chapter is headed ‘The Grammatical Fiction.’  There is no such thing as ‘I’.  In the world of Donald Trump – and Richard III – it is the other way around.  There is ego – and that is that.  The Oxford English Dictionary happily defines egomania as ‘the insanity of self-exaltation’. 

The personal nature of the rule, and the grubby means by which these people come to power, feeds on and promotes division and conflict, and simple hate.  They are a form of cancer on the community.  Indeed, that is the underlying thread of these plays leading to and from the Wars of the Roses.  Trump just went one further by denying that he had ever lost power.

These people appeal to those who feel they have missed out in the race of life.  This is more Trump’s schtick than that of Richard.  The scenes where Richard says that he has to be enlisted for the benefit of the common weal are frankly comical – but, in truth, no more incredible than what Trump’s ‘base’ salutes him for.  His followers think that they have been treated unfairly, and that this gives them a moral right to seek retribution.  And they are quick to identify those who they think should answer for their ill treatment – although they do not use the word ‘scapegoats.’  Their leaders go along with this.  It brings the loudest cheers at the rallies.  This is more like Jack Cade than Richard.  The oppressed believe that their leader is the one to look after them, and preserve what they have managed to retain from the wreckage wrought by their opponents.

They both play rough.  They know no other way.  They just ride roughshod over any doubter or opponent who gets in their way.  Bluff is built into their persona.  And if you are going to lie, lie big.  It is as if there is nothing left solid in the relative ether, and people have always preferred fiction to history.  This braggadocio is just another part of the intimidation, and it is always the scheme of the dictator to involve as many as possible in the dirty work, so that they get locked in by their own complicity.  There is the sleight of hand of those we used to call mountebanks.  Here is Brewer on mountebank:

A vendor of quack medicines at fairs…who attracts the crowd by his tricks and antics; hence any charlatan or self-advertising pretender.  The bank, or bench, was the counter on which traders displayed their goods, and street vendors used to mount on their bank to patter to the public.

That description brings us from the post-medieval morality plays and commedia dell’arte to Richard III – and it is also very apt for a MAGA rally.

Now for some differences. 

Richard was a worthy soldier in battle, and prepared to do his own murders.  But Richard does not delude himself as Trump appears to do.  On the contrary, he takes great pride in his machinations and the pure malice that drives them.  When he seduces Anne, a process that is revolting, he challenges the audience to come with him.  He is celebrating a win for the misfits.  ‘And yet to win her, all the world to nothing’ (1.2.237) Auden said (in 1946) of the opening monologue of Richard that it was ‘not unlike Adolf Hitler’s speech to his General Staff on 23 August 1939 in its utter lack of self-deception.’  That is a remarkable analogy.  Some were more than troubled by the apocalyptic and brazen tripe of Trump in his (first) inaugural.  Was this the same nation that gave the world Abraham Lincoln? 

Auden also said that Richard was not ambitious in the ordinary sense of that term.  ‘He’s not interested in becoming king for the position of power, but because becoming king is so difficult.’  Well, others might put differently that description of the pursuit of the prize. 

But we come now to the bad news.  Dr Johnson, as we saw, warned against the dangers in succumbing to the whiles of Falstaff.  Sir Anthony Quayle played Falstaff and fairly described him as ‘frankly vicious.’  Why do we fall for him?

The problem is that Richard takes the audience with him and at least in part seduces the audience.  I referred above to the old morality plays.  They appeared in England in the 15th and 16th centuries – to set up the triumph of virtue over vice.  Vice was a central character – generally named after a particular vice, like pride or greed, who wore a cap with asses’ ears (so prefiguring Bottom). 

Richard expressly makes a reference to Vice.  ‘Thus, like the formal Vice, Iniquity, I moralise two meanings in one word’ (3.1.82-83).  I need to set out what Tony Tanner says here in full.

The Vice was the self-avowed mischief-maker, if not chaos-bringer, and we should remember that one of his Satanic privileges was to inveigle the audience into laughing at evil.  The figure of the Vice was clearly invaluable to Shakespeare when it came to depicting inexplicable evil, evil which seems gratuitous, unmotivated, simply for its own sake.  From any point of view, Richard’s behaviour is profoundly irrational, and is finally both horrifying and incomprehensible even to his closest accomplices (in fact, no one is close to him at all; simply some accompany him further into his evils than others.)  Richard is, as he has told us, an expert Machiavel; he is also a Senecan tyrant and a Marlovian villain (closest to Barabbas in The Jew of Malta).  But he is primarily a Vice.  However – and this is crucial – he is a Vice who acquires (no matter how foully) the legitimate robes of a king.

Those insights round off this discussion.  ‘Chaos-bringer’ is so apt.  And remember just how vicious, how horrifying, Richard is.  The murderer of the children is unmanned by this ‘most arch deed of piteous massacre’ (4.3.2).  The king can hardly wait until after supper to hear ‘the process of their death.’

It is then that we recall that the playwright has subjected us to hours of flirtation with our taste for violence and deceit.  It is followed by a set piece of our theatre – the judgment of the Furies, the mother and two wronged queens, one of whom is a world authority on cursing.  We need to remember that Richard got to the crown not by guile or rebellion, but by murder in cold blood.  It makes The Godfather look pale – but we get a kick out of that, too.

So, as we watch in trepidation the possible revival of Donald Trump, despite all his offences against humanity, we should ask again – just why do we fall for some kinds of ratbag? 

And while doing so, we might recall that it does not require anything like the incandescent genius of Shakespeare, or the craftiness of Satan, to induce our undoing.  And despite his trysts with the ghosts, Richard goes down swinging, like Don Giovanni, but sans cheval.  And there were some in the cinema who cheered him on even there.

May I finally say something about the condition of the United States now?  In discussing Julius Caesar, Auden said that Rome was not doomed by the passions of selfish individuals, but ‘by an intellectual and spiritual failure of nerve that made the society incapable of dealing with its situation’   Angela Merkel said that ‘Sometimes my greatest fear is that we have somehow lost the inner strength to stand up for our way of life’.  The phrase ‘inner strength’ catches the eye.  A German man called Stephen Haffner lived through the twenties and thirties and the rise of Hitler.  He described the failure of Germany in very simple terms as a kind of ‘nervous breakdown’ that flowed from the want of a ‘solid inner kernel.’

The only thing that is missing is what in animals is called ‘breeding’.  This is a solid inner kernel that cannot be shaken by external pressures and forces, something noble and steely, a reserve of pride, principle and dignity to be drawn on in the hour of trial….  At the moment of truth, when other nations rise spontaneously to the occasion, the Germans collectively and limply collapsed.  They yielded and capitulated, and suffered a nervous breakdown…

That is just how major battles and sporting events are won and lost.  Sadly, it does not help either us or the U S that we have seen it all before.

Passing Bull 401 – Equal dignity?

Are we all born with equal dignity arising merely from the fact that we are human – as Kant said?

Not according to Stalin.

‘The death of one man is a tragedy.  The death of millions is a statistic’.

Nor according to Tom Stoppard (in the script for The Russia House).

‘If I behave like a hero, can you behave like a merely decent human being?’

Nor according to Pasternak.

‘To belong to a type is the end of a man, his condemnation.  If he doesn’t fall into any category, if he’s not representative, half of what is demanded of him is there.  He’s free of himself.  He’s achieved a grain of immortality.’

Nor according to Edith Durham (who wrote extensively about the Balkans).

‘When a Muslim kills a Muslim, that does not count.  When a Christian kills a Muslim, it is a righteous act.  When a Christian kills a Christian, it is an error of judgment.  It is only when a Muslim kills a Christian that we arrive at a full-blown atrocity.’

Déjà vu

The biography of Josef Fouché by Stefan Zweig that is noted below is one of the most compelling books I have ever read.  It is a model of biography – there is hardly one citation, much less a footnote.  It reads like a play that is a page turner.  And the characters are hugely larger than life – apart from the subject you have Robespierre, Talleyrand, and Napoleon.  A squad that would make a bloody taipan blanch.

The book reminds me so much of the biography of Disraeli by André Maurois.  Like Zweig, Maurois believed that biography is an art form.  ‘The search for historical truth is the work of the scholar; the search for the expression of personality is rather the work of the artist.’  Thank heaven for both of them.

If you read the note below, you will find this extract, which is just one of so many that leads to a sense of déjà vu that runs through the whole book and brings to mind the current travails, if not collapse, of the United States.

By the inexorable law of gravity, each execution dragged others in its train.  Those who had begun the game with no more than ferocious mouthings, now tried to surpass one another in bloody deeds.  Not from frenzied passion and still less from stern resolution were so many victims sacrificed.  Irresolution, rather, was at work; the irresolution of politicians who lacked courage to withstand the mob.  In the last analysis, cowardice was to blame.  For, alas, history is not only (as we are so often told) the history of human courage, but also the history of human faintheartedness; and politics is not (as politicians would fain have us believe) the guidance of public opinion, but a servile bowing of the knee by the so-called leaders before the demons they have themselves created.

Elsewhere, this author says Fouché had ‘a contempt for mankind’ and that the most characteristic part of his make-up was his ‘effrontery’.

He is indifferent to what his former associates may think of him or say about him; he cares not a jot for public opinion.  His only concern is to be on the winning side.  In the suddenness of his changes of front, in the infinite modifications of role, he displays an impudence which stuns us, as it were, and arouses involuntary admiration.  [Richard III?] ……He does not steadfastly pursue an idea, but marches with the times, and the swifter their march, the more quickly must he walk to keep up with them.

Compare the breathtaking effrontery of Vance in Munich or Trump on extinguishing territories he has no time for or need of.

Robespierre’s tenacity of purpose was his finest quality, but also his greatest weakness.  For, intoxicated by the sense of his own incorruptibility and clad as he was in an armour of stubborn dogmatism, he considered that divergences of opinion were treasonable, and with the cold cruelty of a grand inquisitor [compare El Greco and Dostoevsky] he was ready to regard as heretics all those who differed from him and send them to a heretic’s doom……The lack of communicable warmth, of contagious humanity, deprived his actions of procreative energy.  His strength lay exclusively in his stubbornness; his power in his unyielding severity.  His dictatorship had become for him the entire substance and all-engrossing form of his life.  Unless he could stamp his own ego on the revolution, that ego would be shattered.

The ego of Trump or Vance may not allow for such conviction, but Elon Musk is in a different category – invincibly heartless and showing a contempt for mankind.  This portrait savors more of Lenin – and the mass murderer who followed him.

Ironically enough, when Napoleon took over by an armed coup, Fouché, as Minister for Police, put out a lying statement that Napoleon ‘had narrowly missed becoming the victim of an assassin’s blow.  But the genius of the Republic saved the General.’  Well, at least the French were past thanking God for saving their savior.

It is worth reading the book again and again for the comparisons of Fouché and Talleyrand.  (You will get a similar picture in Duff Cooper’s Talleyrand, but without the brushwork.)

Both are sober-minded realists, lucid thinkers, cynics, and whole-hearted disciples of Machiavelli.  They were both schooled in the church and subsequently annealed in the fires of the revolution; they are characterized by the same cold-blooded unscrupulousness in matters of money and honour; and both of them serve with the same conscienceless disloyalty……and just because they are of the same spiritual caliber and because kindred diplomatic roles are assigned to them, they hate one another with the clear-sighted coolness and pertinacity of rivals who know one another through and through.  Both of them are of a perfectly amoral type, and this accounts for their lightness of character, whereas the differences between them depend upon differences in origin…..Talleyrand finds the game of diplomacy an agreeable and stimulating past-time; but he detests work….he will not weary himself with the labour of investigation, being satisfied with the intuition which enables him at lightning speed to effect a comprehensive survey of the most involved situations…..His specialties are bold changes of front, swift flashes of insight, supple expedients in moments of danger; and he contemptuously leaves to others the detail work, the grunting and sweating under heavy loads, the heat and burden of the day……No playwright could have invented two such perfect counterparts…as history has staged for us in the slothful and brilliant extemporizer Talleyrand and the argus-eyed unsleeping calculator Fouché – has staged beside Napoleon, besides the all round genius who combines the talents of both, wide range of view and insight into details near at had , aquiline passion and ant-like industry, world-knowledge and world-vision.

Well – they don’t write books like that anymore.  And don’t worry – Zweig traces Napoleon’s addiction to la guerre éternelle to his succumbing to his own ‘great man’ theory – a failure sadly picked up by certain recent British historians who should know better. 

Millions upon millions of people died for that ego of Napoleon.  The German people do not succumb to Romance in the face of such carnage.  You will never see a tourist site in Berlin of Hitler’s tomb.  And when lecturing the Germans and other Europeans upon history, Mr Vance may have forgotten that he had compared his current leader – he is flexible – to Adolf Hitler.  Not many people who are being bayoneted or raped pause to inquire of the ideological drivers of their assailant.

Somehow, I find some comfort in these reflections when I look at the ratbag motley in Washington that is dragging down the U S.  The proper word for these populists is vulgar, a word lovingly bestowed on us by the Romans

For that I will be accused of snobbery – or, worse, that weasel term elitism.  Well, critics of the populists of last century were not so dismissed.  Perhaps I may be allowed to cite views I expressed on these elsewhere.

The Germans cannot be heard to say that they had not been warned precisely of the terrors and moral horrors that would come with Hitler.  They cannot be heard to say that they did not know he was intent on annihilating both the Russians and the Jews.  It was all there in chapter and verse in Mein Kampf.  But, while Hitler was getting results, decent Germans, or enough of them, were prepared to look the other way.  For whatever reason, the Germans did not take Mein Kampf seriously.  For probably similar reasons, Europe chose not to take Keynes seriously, although the forecasts of both Keynes and Hitler were all ruinously fulfilled.

The failure of decent, sane people in Europe to respond to dictators like Mussolini, Hitler or Franco in a way that we would regard now as sensible or responsible is uncomfortably reflected in the fact that the pope, a guardian of the religion of the West, found a way to come to terms and live with each of those dictators through deals called Concordats.  Each dictator – and only Franco had any sort of religion and anything but contempt for Christ – regarded his deal with the pope as an essential plank in his political platform.

The failure of educated Germans to deal with Hitler led to a kind of national nervous breakdown that was summed up by Sebastian Haffner, who was a law student in Berlin when the Brownshirts evicted the Jews from the law library, in the terms that we have seen.

What might be described as the failure of the better people of Italy has been described by a biographer of Mussolini in terms that could be transposed word for word to the Germans and Hitler.

‘Mussolini still needed their [the moderates’] help, for most of the liberal parliamentarians would look to them for a lead.  He also took careful note that chaos had been caused in Russia when representatives of the old order were defenestrated en masse during the revolution: fascism could hardly have survived if the police, the magistrates, the army leaders and the civil service had not continued to work just as before, and the complicity of these older politicians was eagerly sought and helped to preserve the important illusion that nothing had changed.

The liberals failed to use the leverage afforded by his need for their approbation.  Most of them saw some good in fascism as a way of defending social order and thought Italians too intelligent and civilised to permit the establishment of a complete dictatorship.  Above all, there was the very persuasive argument that the only alternative was to return to the anarchy and parliamentary stalemate they remembered…. Mussolini had convincingly proved that he was the most effective politician of them all: he alone could have asked parliament for full powers and been given what he asked; he alone provided a defence against, and an alternative to, socialism.  And of course, the old parliamentarians still hoped to capture and absorb him into their own system in the long run; their optimism was encouraged by the fact that his fascist collaborators were so second-rate.’ 

Does that not seem to be word for word a correct rendition of how decent Germans probably reacted to Hitler?  Still today you will find Christian apologists for Franco, and not just in Spain, who say that his fascism was preferable to republican socialism.  Mussolini had the other advantage that for reasons we now regard as obvious, no one outside Italy could take Mussolini seriously.  As his biographer reminds us, Mussolini was, rather like Berlusconi, seen as an ‘absurd little man’, a ‘second-rate cinema actor and someone who could not continue in power for long’, a ‘César de carnaval’, a ‘braggart and an actor’, and possibly ‘slightly off his head.’  Churchill always took Hitler seriously; he could never do that with that Italian buffoon.  The Fuhrer would betray his nation and kill himself and his mistress; the Italians would revolt from and then murder their Duce and his mistress, and hang them upside down in public.  (The Italians have never had any idea of political stability or succession.)

Once war was declared, the German people felt an overwhelming need to support their fighting men and their Fatherland.

For whatever reason, the middle classes and those above them in Germany, Italy or Spain, and the popes, did not realise that they had a tiger by the tail with Hitler, Mussolini, or Franco until it was far, far too late.

Well, that brings me back to the book of Stefan Zweig.  The U S never adopted the Westminster system after 1776, and many of the problems it faces now can be traced to that decision.  (The other big difference is slavery.)  Those of us who still affect to follow it are struggling with a descent into mediocrity, but we have nothing like the problems that Americans have with medicare, guns, ideology, race, and corrupted religion – and now a full-on assault on the rule of law. 

And I have never heard of a dying man walking into a hospital and saying: ‘In the name of God, don’t give me one of your best surgeons – the elite – any mediocre guy will do.  I supported the Red Guards when they took over maternity wards, and I think the press has been most unkind to them since.’

These are very troubled times and we need the insights of great minds like Stefan Zweig to see through the fire, the smoke, and the mist.

One thing is clear.  If Americans believe that Trump, Musk, Vance and others are in there for ordinary Americans, they believe in Santa Claus and fairies at the bottom of the garden.  They will get the government they asked for and deserve.  That is no comfort for people in Gaza or the Ukraine, or those who once looked up to the United States before it fell.

THE PORTRAIT OF A POLITICIAN

Joseph Fouché

Viking Press, 1930; translated by Eden and Cedar Paul.  Rebound in quarter in burgundy quarter leather with blue labels and boards

This is the life of Fouché, a terrorist in the Revolution, who survived Robespierre and then Napoleon – a cold blooded killer who became the ultimate survivor.

Some politicians get by with luck and grit, and not a lot more.  Perhaps that is all that it takes for most of them – as it tends to be for the rest of us.  One such politician was Joseph Fouché who was active during the French Revolution and who, as the Duke of Otranto, was Minister of Police for the Emperor Napoleon. 

Fouché was the ultimate survivor.  The Austrian writer Stefan Zweig, who was an immensely popular novelist in the 1930’s, called Fouché ‘the most perfect Machiavel of modern times’ – ‘a leader of every party in turn and unique in surviving the destruction of them all.’.  Here was a ‘man of the same skin and hair who was in 1790 a priestly schoolmaster, and by 1792 already a plunderer of the Church; was in 1793 a communist, five years later a multimillionaire and ten years after that the Duke of Otranto.’  Fouché therefore was not just a survivor – he was a winner.

In introducing his book about ‘this thoroughly amoral personality’, Joseph Fouché, The Portrait of a Politician, Stefan Zweig said this:

Alike in 1914 and 1918 [the book was written in 1929] we learned to our cost that the issues of the war and the peace, issues of far-reaching historical significance, were not the outcome of a high sense of intelligence and exceptional responsibility, but were determined by obscure individuals of questionable character and endowed with little understanding.  Again and again since then it has become apparent that in the equivocal and often rascally game of politics, to which with touching faith the nations continue to entrust their children and their future, the winners are not men of wide moral grasp and firm conviction, but those professional gamesters whom we style diplomatists – glib talkers with light fingers and a cold heart.

Those observations have the timelessness of truth. 

Joseph Fouché was born in the seaport town of Nantes to a seafaring mercantile family.  The great places were reserved for the nobility, so Joseph went into the Church.  He went to the Oratorians who were in charge of Catholic education after the expulsion of the Jesuits.  He becomes a tonsured teacher, not a priest.  ‘Not even to God, let alone to men, will Joseph Fouché give a pledge of lifelong fidelity.’  Three of the most powerful French political thinkers then – Talleyrand, Sieyès, and Fouché – come from an institution that the Revolution will be bent on destroying, the Church. 

Joseph became friendly with a young lawyer named Robespierre.  There was even talk that he might marry Robespierre’s sister, and when the young Maximilien was elected to the Estates General at Versailles, it was Joseph who lent him the money for a new suit of clothes. 

Fouché is always cool and under control.  He has no vices and he is a loyal husband, but he will be an ‘inexorable puritan’ and invincibly cold blooded, at his best working in the shadows as an unseen second to the limelighters.  He prefers the reality of power to its insignia, but with ‘his resolute freedom from convictions’, he is quite capable of repudiating a leader who has gone too far.  ‘He knows that a revolution never bestows its fruits on those who begin it, but only on those who bring it to an end and are therefore in a position to seize the booty.’

The çi devant Oratorian declares war on the Church ‘to substitute the worship of the Republic and of morality for that of ancient superstitions.’  This is the phase of dechristianization, far, far more brutal than the Reformation in England.

But we also speak of the Terror that leads Stefan Zweig to this most remarkable judgment, which still speaks so clearly to us at a time of a collapse in public life.

By the inexorable law of gravity, each execution dragged others in its train.  Those who had begun the game with no more than ferocious mouthings, now tried to surpass one another in bloody deeds.  Not from frenzied passion and still less from stern resolution were so many victims sacrificed.  Irresolution, rather, was at work; the irresolution of politicians who lacked courage to withstand the mob.  In the last analysis, cowardice was to blame.  For, alas, history is not only (as we are so often told) the history of human courage, but also the history of human faintheartedness; and politics is not (as politicians would fain have us believe) the guidance of public opinion, but a servile bowing of the knee by the so-called leaders before the demons they have themselves created……the moderates know that at this juncture, moderation needs a thousand times as much courage as ostensible resolution.

With those words, which reek of Thucydides, Stefan Zweig justified not only this whole book, but his whole life.  The words ‘the irresolution of politicians who lacked courage to withstand the mob’ should be put up in neon lights in every parliamentary and government office, and in the booth of every shock jock, poll taker, and sound-bite grabber, and that of any other predatory bludger, urger, or racecourse tout.

The depravity is described by Zweig in these terms:

Early that morning sixty young fellows are taken out of prison and fettered together in couples.  Since, as Fouché puts it, the guillotine works ‘too slowly’, they are taken to the plain of Brotteaux, on the other side of the Rhone.  Two parallel trenches, hastily dug to receive their corpses, show the victims what is to be their fate, and the cannon ranged ten paces away indicate the manner of their execution.  The defenceless creatures are huddled and bound together into a screaming, trembling, raging, and vainly resisting mass of human despair.  A word of command and the guns loaded with slugs are ‘fired into the brown’.  The range is murderously close and yet the first volley does not finish them off.  Some have only had an arm or leg blown away; others have had their bellies torn open but are still alive; a few, as luck would have it, are uninjured.  But while blood is making runnels of itself down into the trenches, at a second order, cavalrymen armed with sabres and pistols fling themselves on those who are yet alive, slashing into and firing into this helpless heard, of groaning, twitching and yelling fellow mortals until the last raucous voice is hushed.  As a reward for their ghastly work, the butchers are then allowed to strip clothing and shoes from the sixty warm bodies before these are cast naked into the fosses which await them.

All this was done in front of a crowd of appreciative onlookers.  The next batch was enlarged to two hundred ‘head of cattle marched to the slaughter’ and this time the avengers of the nation dispensed with the graves.  The corpses were thrown into the Rhone as a lesson to the folks downstream. 

There, surely, you have a preview of all the madness and cant that will underlie the evil that befalls mankind in the next century.  And you don’t hear much about it on Bastille Day.

It is hard to imagine our story, for that in part is what it is, being told better than Stefan Zweig tells it in this wonderful book.  The author moves so easily from one graceful insight to the next, and like a true champion he makes it all look so easy and so natural. 

And as our author leaves his subject, he leaves us with the question that Shakespeare leaves to us with various bastards, in the proper sense of that word, and Richard III and Falstaff – why are we so taken with the life and character of such an absolute villain? 

He also leaves us with the same old problem – ‘glib talkers with light fingers and a cold heart.’

Sam Kerr

Some people have a lust to sit in judgment on others – especially those people who have achieved more in life than their accusers.  Australians are appalling at it.  Notwithstanding her acquittal, some people still want to go after Sam Kerr.  In case, someone suggests she should not captain Australia, they might reflect on the record of the current English cricket captain.  A BBC report is below.  Did Stokes bring the game into disrepute?

Cricketer Ben Stokes found not guilty of affray

Ben Stokes’ defence barrister told the jury he had acted “to defend himself or in defence of another”

England cricketer Ben Stokes has been found not guilty of affray after a fight near a Bristol nightclub.

The Durham all-rounder, 27, denied the charge following the fracas between a group of men last September.

His lawyer Paul Lunt said it was “the end of an 11-month ordeal” for Mr Stokes, who was “keen to get back to cricket being his sole focus”.

Ryan Ali, 28 – who was knocked unconscious in the brawl – was also found not guilty of the same charge.

The fight happened several hours after England had played a one-day international against the West Indies at the County Ground in the city.

Mr Stokes and Mr Ali shook hands on leaving the dock.

The cricketer’s wife, Clare, cried when the not guilty verdicts were returned while her husband closed his eyes with relief and then looked up.

Ryan Ali has been cleared of affray

During the six-day trial, Bristol Crown Court heard the incident described as “a sustained episode of significant violence” from Mr Stokes – of Castle Eden in Durham – who had “lost control”.

The prosecution said he was “drunk and enraged” after being refused entry back into Mbargo nightclub at 02:00 BST on 25 September.

But Mr Stokes told the jury he had “stepped in” to defend two gay men who were being verbally abused, and then had to defend himself from Mr Ali – of Forest Road in Bristol – and Ryan Hale, 27, who were threatening violence

Mr Hale, of Burghill Road in Westbury-on-Trym, was acquitted of the same charge last week.

Speaking to ITV after the trial, Kai Barry and William O’Connor – the couple Mr Stokes defended – said they were thankful for what he had done.

Mr Barry said: “I thought he was just a normal lad sticking up for someone that was obviously weaker than he was.

“When I realised who he was I thought, fair play, because obviously he put his career at risk for someone that he never knew.”

Mr Ali, who works for the emergency services, suffered a fractured eye socket in the brawl while Mr Hale, a former soldier, was left with concussion.

As Mr Ali left court, smiling, he told BBC Sport editor Dan Roan he was “relieved it’s all over” and said he had no further comment to make.

Ben Stokes’ lawyer, Paul Lunt, said the jury’s decision fairly reflected the truth of what happened in Bristol that night.

Outside court, two cricket fans from Bristol – who were part of the crowd awaiting the outcome – said they were pleased with the verdict.

Arthur Davis, 30, said: “He’s a great player although not in form and maybe this will change that.”

And Javen Rahiman, 26, said: “I’m pretty pleased but it’s not the best example he’s setting, especially as the evening of the fight was after such a good victory.

“I hope it’s a kick up the backside for him and he can focus more on the game now with no distractions.”

The BBC’s cricket correspondent, Jonathan Agnew, said Mr Stokes would now face an ECB independent disciplinary committee, likely charged with bringing the game into disrepute.

Alternative facts and the death of truth

A woman named Belle Gibson said she would deal with terminal cancer in her own way.  She developed the concept of ‘wellness’ online and became something of a cult figure.  She collected a lot of money – for charity, she said.  It was all a lie and thousands were left hurt and betrayed.  Some big names in business – Apple and Penguin – just looked inept and greedy. 

The story is very competently told by two journalists who know the implications of this shambles for their profession, Beau Donelly and Nick Toscano in the just published The Woman Who Fooled the World, The True Story of Wellness Guru Belle Gibson.  It is well worth reading for at least three reasons.

First, a retired lawyer who is nearly eighty has no experience – none – with social media.  But he has seen the impact of children living secluded in a virtual world and wonders if it is illegal to be seen in Yarraville not working an iPhone – especially if you are crossing a busy intersection.  And then there is the disaster of the pioneer of alternative facts – Donald Trump.  It is hard to say which is worse about his Gaza raving – its lunacy or savagery.  This book details how easily people are deluded.   There is more than one born every minute.  It is, frankly, terrifying.  We are losing our capacity for outrage, and being conditioned to accept obvious duplicity.

Secondly, the authors know the implications for their profession.  Journalists have professional obligations on how they report allegations against people – quite apart from the law of defamation.  Frauds like Belle Gibson take flight online where there are few if any such rules.  The role of gatekeeper just goes.  So, they release the story in two parts – the failure to pass money on to charity; then the allegation that it was all a lie anyway.  It is very unsettling to see how this unfolds before those who cannot tolerate doubt.

Thirdly, I have always had real misgivings about our criminal law, especially imprisonment as punishment – someone said that punishment is a measure of despair – but this woman was engaged in preying on people at their weakest moment and robbing them.  She brazenly set herself up in a position of trust and then cruelly betrayed that trust.  Psychiatrists have a term for the syndrome, but it is not suggested that she could plead insanity. 

Why was she not charged and, upon conviction, jailed?  The matter was dealt with by the civil service – the Department of Consumer Affairs.  In my experience, they are even more toothless than ASIC.  But the police opted out early.

……it’s understood that authorities favoured civil charges because that meant it could also hold Gibson’s publisher to account.  Consumer Affairs considers gaining industry-wide change to be a bigger win than claiming the scalp of one rogue operator.  It was a two birds one-stone scenario: Gibson would be charged, and a warning shot would be fired across the bows of the publishing industry.

In the result, Gibson did not turn up to the Federal Court, and was fined amounts which she has no capacity to pay, while she waves cheerily to her chagrined neighbours in Northcote.  You and I pick up a big tab.  And the law looks an ass.

I commend the book.

Sam Kerr

It is hard to believe that this trial alleging ‘racially aggravated harassment’ against Sam Kerr is going on. 

I need hardly declare my bias, which will be shared by most Australians, and followers of sport.  Sam Kerr is one of the best footballers I have seen, and something of a national idol.

For a start, it had not occurred to me that Sam was of a different race to me.  If I had wondered about her complexion, I may have repeated the error I had made with Stan Grant about twenty years ago – until I was corrected, I thought he had spent too much time in a solarium.  But, then, in the 1950’s, when this nation’s traditional racism was at its peak, a federal MP asked whether Italians or Greeks – wogs or dagoes – were truly white. 

It all shows how careful we must be – it appears to be accepted that a reference to the colour of a person is a reference to that person’s race.

The accused was obviously drunk, and police are trained and paid to deal with problems that that condition might lead to.  It is remarkable that a whiter copper can be hurt actionably under the criminal law by a drunk referring to the colour of his skin while she abused him.  What if she had added that he was a ‘he’, and a straight one to boot?  Could he get some furlough to recover his composure and become whole again?  The copper could not claim to have been hurt as a member of an oppressed minority.

It gets worse.  The court has been told that the informant did not allege personal hurt when the charge was first formulated.  He only did so after he got knocked back by the officers of the Crown.  As a lawyer, I would feel uncomfortable in presenting such a case.  It had enough whiskers on it already.

Then the charge is one of ‘harassment’.  On my reading of the dictionaries – Oxford and Macquarie – that involves repetition or persistence.  I do not see that hear.

And all this is not being dealt with by a magistrate in a morning.  It is being heard by a judge and jury in a trial lasting more than a week. 

Yet I keep hearing on Sky News UK that the criminal justice system in the UK is hopelessly out of control.  Are real victims of sexual violence not getting the protection they desperately need because a drunken woman has ruffled the sensitivities of a male copper?

What politics could drive this oddity?  Surely at some stage there was a polite high-level phone call.  ‘Do your members really want this?  Is it good for their standing – what people call ‘optics’?  This could be seen as a ‘test case’ and front-page news here and elsewhere.  During the war, the trains carried a message: ‘Is this journey really necessary’?  Even the Palace might be interested.  A conviction would be a real shot in the arm for republicans in Australia.’

It is not hard to imagine at least some on the jury busting to ask the judge: ‘On the off chance we decide to pot this woman – and God knows I have done a lot worse with a skin full – can you give us an assurance you will not put her inside?’

This and the Federal Court case against the ABC arising from comments made about Gaza show how tricky and dicey it is to make laws about what we can and cannot say in public about issues we are wont to call ‘sensitive’.  If you push the law too far, you degrade it.

The one thing that is clear to me is that cases like that involving Sam Kerr are blood to a tiger to people like Nigel Farage, Peta Credlin, Donald Trump, Elon Musk, and Peter Dutton.  It’s hard to imagine a Queensland copper taking any of this seriously, but Pete will do what he can do for the team.

Put to one side all that bumpf about freedom of speech – making penal laws to enforce manners that you regard as appropriate demeans the law, and gives a free kick to vacuous, malicious, ideologues.

Richard II

Richard II has been one of my favourite plays for more than fifty years – when I first heard Gielgud in the lead.  The reasons are set out in the note below, which I wrote more than ten years ago for a book on Shakespeare. 

After listening to the play for the nth time, I ordered a book The Reign of Richard II.  It is a collection of papers given at the University of York on subjects like A Personal Portrait, The Chivalry, His Sense of English History, and His Reputation.

Two things struck me about the papers.  First, many commentators, who are historians, felt happy about looking at the psychological or psychoanalytic aspects of this medieval king and evaluating the evidence and conclusions. 

Secondly, and much more remarkably, no one saw fit to mention how Shakespeare saw this character.  This unmatched genius could see inside us and our history, but no one at this conference thought Shakespeare was worth mentioning. 

What about Divine Right?  How do you square that with the barons putting their king under contract in 1215?  Were the references to Pilate and Judas justified?  What other aspects of the passion play do we have here?  Opinions may differ on whether Shakespeare painted Bolingbroke as shifty – I think he did – but is clear that Shakespeare saw this usurpation as an infection that would culminate in the Wars of the Roses.  Did Shakespeare get it right or was he just wrong?

This silence is at the university very odd.  But there is an upside.  Here is an extract of the psychoanalysis.

The most plausible way of reconciling the opposites in the king’s character is to see Richard’s character as essentially narcissistic – a condition in which only the person himself – his own body, his own needs and feelings – are experienced as fully real.   Generally, a narcissistic person achieves a sense of security in his own subjective conviction of his perfection.  This is a condition characteristic of rulers with a high sense of mission, and having an obsessive interest in the trappings of power.  Its sufferers have ‘an appetite for self-worship.’  It finally detaches its victims from reality so that they become cocooned from the outside world by groups of yes-men and by physical isolation, which was Richard’s eventual fate.  By the final years of his reign, there can be little doubt that Richard’s grasp on reality was becoming weaker.

The author of the paper from which that quote is taken went on to say that Richard was ‘vengeful’ and ‘reacted very badly and very aggressively, to any criticism made of him’.  ‘The general attitude [of low confidence] is…. domineering, attacking, hostile, blaming, mistrustful, status-seeking, and punitive.’

Well, we now have the AI model of that narcissist in Donald Trump.  One difference is that he would never abdicate.  Rather, he would not accept being deposed – even when done with due process of law.

Otherwise, as the book says, there is nothing new under the sun.  Which make the omission of reference to Shakespeare even more remarkable.

The play is called ‘The Tragedy of Richard II.’  It is certainly a tragedy, and it is in my view the most operatic play ever written.  Of course, Churchill reveled in it.  It is a rolling twenty-one-gun salute to the majesty of the English language and history.

(Set out below is my earlier note of more than ten years ago.  Since then, Opus Arte has released its version at the Globe, which is not as mangled as many are there now, and the RSC has released the version with David Tennant directed by Greg Doran.  Sadly, they sent Tennant out as a rampant hairy queen desperate to be debagged, and in so doing trashed the whole play.)

RICHARD II
AN EFFEMINATE ROYAL IN A PASSION PLAY

In this man’s reign began this fatal strife

The bloody argument whereof we treat
That dearly costs so many a prince’s life

And spoil’d the weak and ev’n consumed the great

(Daniel, Civil Wars)

Jussi Bjoerling is frequently said to have been the most popular tenor of the last century.  He had a clear, high, lyric tone that still sounds as pure as silver. (Caruso was more golden and chiaroscuro.)  Some have the same sensation listening to Richard II, of a clear, high lyric tone that sounds as pure as silver.

This play evokes our sense of opera in another way.  Most composers like to load up their operas with big arias for their big singers.  Puccini did it so that his guns could really unleash themselves in a way that highbrows think is shameless, but that the rest of us enjoy shamelessly.  A few people know Vissi d’Arte; many have heard Un Bel Di; but everyone knows Nessun Dorma.  

Shakespeare loaded this play up with set pieces for the big guns of the stage, so that listening to the recording featuring John Gielgud as Richard and Leo McKern as John of Gaunt has for some about the same impact as coming to terms with an ’86 Grange.

Richard was the last of the Plantagenets.  He took by succession and Divine Right.  His misrule and weakness led to his being deposed, and so to generations of civil strife.
A medieval king was the fountain of justice.  At the beginning of this play, this King breaches his obligations in that position fundamentally– twice.

The King failed to follow the established legal process to rule on a dispute between two of his barons.  They were entitled to and did seek under the common law of England trial by battle of the issue between them.  One of the parties, Bolingbroke, the future Henry IV, says:

Look what I speak, my life shall prove it true. (1.1.87)
He has another charge:
… and I will in battle prove. (1.1.92)

The second charge related to the murder of a duke. This was a sensitive charge since the King, the judge if you like, had given orders for the murder.  Well, for whatever reason, Richard intervened after a massive display of chivalry, and stopped the combat, a form of judicial duel.  He banished both of the litigants, but Bolingbroke and his family for a lesser time.  The King had therefore made enemies of two families by interfering with the due process of the law.  Bolingbroke laments his exile:

How long a time lies in one little word.
Four lagging winters and four wanton springs
End in a word – such is the breath of kings.
 (1.3.212-214)

As the second scene of the play shows, the supporters of the King include those who are under a duty to avenge the death of the murdered duke.  How do you fight a judicial duel with the substitute of God?  How can the King try a case that involves one of his political assassinations?

The second mistake of Richard was to confiscate the property that had belonged to the father of Bolingbroke, John of Gaunt, after his death.  This was illegal.  (Richard needed funds for a foreign war – this has long been an incentive to illegality.)  In doing this, Richard was breaking the laws of inheritance– but these laws are the source of his own title.  York says just this:

Take Hereford’s rights away, and take from time
His charters and his customary rights,
Let not tomorrow then ensue today;
Be not thyself. For how art thou not a King
But by fair sequence and succession. 
(2.1.195-199)

As a result of these two great fallings off by the King, Bolingbroke returns to England.  He says he does so just to claim his own private rights and not to claim the crown, but Bolingbroke– who does not show us his mind by a soliloquy– is as evasive about his intention as a modern politician is when thinking of challenging for the leadership of the party. After he had become King, he was to say:

Though then, God knows, I had no such intent

But that necessity so bowed the state,
That I and greatness were compelled to kiss.
 (2 Henry IV, 3.1.72-74)
From the time when Richard returns to Ireland, it is all downhill. As Tony Tanner remarked:
Perhaps … he can already see the writing on the wall; but to a certain, quite distinct extent, he himself is doing the writing.

Here is some of the high poetry of this failed king.
… I weep for joy
To stand upon my kingdom once again.
Dear earth, I do salute thee with my hand;
Though rebels wound thee with their horses’ hoofs.
 (3.2.4-7)

So when this thief, this traitor, Bolingbroke,
Who all this while hath revelled in the night
Whilst we were wand’ring with the Antipodes
Shall see us rising in our throne, the east,
His treasons will sit blushing in his face,
Not able to endure the sight of day,
But self-affrighted tremble at his sin.
Not all the water in the rough rude sea
Can wash the balm off from an anointed king;
The breath of worldly men cannot depose
The deputy elected by the Lord.
For every man that Bolingbroke hath pressed
To shift shrewd steel against our golden crown,
God for his Richard hath in heavenly pay
A glorious angel; then, if angels fight,
Weak men must fall, for Heaven still guards the right.
 (3.2.47-62)

 No matter where– of comfort no man speaks.
Let’s talk of graves, of worms, and epitaphs.
Make dust our paper, and with rainy eyes
Write sorrow in the bosom of the earth.
Let’s choose executors and talk of wills:
And yet not so, for what can be bequeath
Save our deposèd bodies to the ground?
Our lands, our lives, and all are Bolingbroke’s;
And nothing can we call our own, but death
And that small model of the barren earth
Which serves as paste and cover to our bones.
For God’s sake let us sit upon the ground
And tell sad stories of the death of kings:
How some have been deposed, some slain in war,
Some haunted by the ghosts they have deposed;
Some poisoned by their wives, some sleeping killed
All murdered – for within the hollow crown
That rounds the mortal temples of a king
Keep Death his court, and there the antic sits,
Scoffing his state and grinning at his pomp
Allowing him a breath, a little scene,
To monarchise, be feared, and kill with looks
Infusing him with self and vain conceit
As if this flesh that walls about our life
Were brass impregnable;, and, humoured thus,
Comes at the last, and with a little pin
Bores through his castle wall, and farewell King!
 (3.2.144-170)

He is very up and down. He rallies and then he falls.  Here is a rally:
Yet know, my master, God omnipotent,
Is mustering in his clouds on our behalf
Armies of pestilence, and they shall strike
Your children yet unborn and unbegot
That lift your vassal hands against my head,
And threat the glory of my precious Crown.
Tell Bolingbroke– for yon methinks he stands –
That every stride he takes upon my land
Is dangerous treason.  He has come to open
The purple testament of bleeding war …
 (3.3.84-93)

But he gives in. Here is a real down.
What must the King do now? Must he submit?
The King shall do it. Must he be deposed?
The King shall be contented. Must he lose
The name of King? A God’s name, let it go.
I’ll give my jewels for a set of beads;
My gorgeous palace for a hermitage;
My gay apparel for an almsman’s gown;
My figured goblets for a dish of wood;
My sceptre for a palmer’s walking staff;
My subjects for a pair of carved saints;
And my large kingdom for a little grave,
A little, little grave, an obscure grave …
 (3.3.142-153)

Has the theatre – the theatre– ever known language of such silver grace?  When in Act 4, Richard formally surrenders the Crown, his disillusion takes him to a different tone.

Now, mark me how I will undo myself.
I give this heavy weight from off my head,
And this unwieldy sceptre from my hand,
The pride of kingly sway from out my heart;
With mine own tears I wash away my balm,
With my own hands I give away my crown,
With my own tongue deny my sacred state,
With mine own breath release all duteous oaths;
All pomp and majesty I do forswear …
 (4.1.202-210)

He calls for a mirror:
… Was this the face
That, like the sun, did make beholders wink?
Was this the face that faced so many follies,
And was at last outfaced by Bolingbroke?
A brittle glory shineth in this face,
As brittle as the glory is the face,

[Throws glass down]
For there it is, cracked in a hundred shivers.
Mark, silent King, the moral of this sport:
How soon my sorrow hath destroyed my face.
 (4.1.283-290)

Richard, the actor, starts to comment on his own performance:
… Say that again.
‘The shadow of my sorrow’? Ha, let’s see.
‘Tis very true, my grief lies all within …
 (4.1.292-294)

Richard is now the very picture of self-centred self-pity, but his subsequent murder haunts Henry IV and the nation as a whole for the rest of this series of plays.

It is not surprising that Elizabeth did not like this play being performed.  Dethroning a king is a not a good precedent. (Verdi had to convert the murdered king of The Masked Ball to a Governor of Boston to get it performed.)  Medieval kings were the Lord’s Anointed, and it was almost inevitable that Richard would see himself as some Christ-like figure betrayed by Judas and arraigned by Pilate.  Indeed, some see in this play Richard enduring the Stations of the Cross.

He loses it completely, as we now say, at times, as shown by his shift in pronouns in:
I had forgot myself: am I not King?
Awake, thou coward majesty! Thou sleepest.
Is not the King’s name twenty thousand names?
Arm my name!  A puny subject strikes
At thy great glory.  Look not to the ground,
Ye favourites of a king, are we not high?
High be our thoughts. 
(3.2.83-9)

Bolingbroke has shown his intention to take control by executing his opponents before he was crowned. He said that ‘to wash your blood / From off my hands’ (3.1.5-7) he will say why they die. Richard refers to:

… some of you, with Pilate, wash your hands. (4.1.238)

And right at the end, Bolingbroke, now the King, says:
I’ll make a voyage to the Holy Land,
To wash this blood from off my guilty hand.
 (5.6.49-50)

Going on a Crusade was a way of doing penance and getting remission from sins for those who subscribed to the medieval church, which was everyone in the Middle Ages.  This was all still real to Elizabethan audiences.  For us, Richard is a shallow man not up to his job – 10 for noblesse; 0 for oblige.  Richard had a weak, effeminate, showman side.  Coleridge said Shakespeare did not mean to represent Richard as ‘a vulgar debauchee, but merely as a wantonness in feminine shew, feminine friendism, intensely woman-like love of those immediately about him, mistaking the delight of being loved by him for love for him.’

Coleridge also said that Richard endeavoured to ‘shelter himself from that which is around him by a cloud of his own thoughts’ and went on:

Throughout his whole career may be noticed the most rapid transitions – from the highest insolence to the lowest humility – from hope to despair, from the extravagance of love to the agonies of resentment, and from pretended resignation to the bitterest reproaches.  The whole is joined with the utmost richness and copiousness of thought, and were there an actor capable of representing Richard, the part would delight us more than any other of Shakespeare’s masterpieces – with perhaps, the single exception of King Lear.

We may agree with Coleridge, especially since we found the actor capable of representing Richard.  For people who love language and care for history, Richard II is the play. The best way to take this play is with the Gielgud recording.  Derek Jacobi did not under-camp the role in the BBC production.

We should not leave this play without referring to some of its most famous lines:
This royal throne of kings, this scept’red isle,
This earth of majesty, the seat of Mars,
This other Eden, demi-paradise
This fortress built by nature for herself
Against infection and the hand of war,
This happy breed of men, this little world,
This precious stone set in the silver sea
Which serves it in the office of a wall,
Or as a moat defensive to a house,
Against the envy of less happy lands,
This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England, This nurse, this teaming womb of royal kings …
 (2.1.40 – 51)

It is by such things that nations are formed and history is made. The author has as good a title as any to be called the greatest historian of his own nation.

Passing Bull 400 – A president on causation

We are back in familiar territory.  Is it possible for Donald Trump to get any worse, or to sink even lower? 

If an English, Canadian or Australian prime minister responded to a national tragedy in the way that Trump just did, he or she would be run out of town – it was so gross and offensive and bigoted and stupid and cruel that the culprit could not survive politically. 

What is it about the United States that allows a president to get away with being so utterly unpresidential?  Why do Americans tolerate what no other civilized nation would tolerate?

For reasons I can understand, U S psychiatrists agreed not to debate the mental health of the most powerful man on the planet.  But you do not need medical training to see that this man’s ego is so dominant, that there is little or no room for compassion, or even feelings, for others – or even conscience.  Trump would not know the meaning of the word ‘empathy.’  We should not be bullied or conned from stating the obvious.  This conduct of Trump was an affront to humanity at large.

Trump is in it for Trump – and those who toe his line.  He is not in it for all Americans.  If you are a grieving parent or child in Wichita, but a Democrat – bad luck.  You picked the wrong horse, and you are a loser.  You are in truth the enemy.

A two-party system cannot survive that moral blindness.  In thirty years of hearing cases against the government, I endeavored to recall the maxim that the most important person in the room was the loser – and that I at least had to try to be fair to both sides – even the bloody government!  Sane politicians recognize just that on election night.  Not Trump.

And now we have a new justification for bigotry against people who do not conform – ‘common sense’.  Why not?  It is a perfectly natural reaction to seek scapegoats.  It all started with Eve and the snake, and neither has had a good press since.  Just ask people of colour or queers or migrants or religious minorities.  Or cripples.

But we have a justified hope that people in high office can rise above the gutter – not least when the prejudice is magnified by the complete absence of evidence to support the abuse of the chosen culprit.

Trump is now boasting about how much time he gives the press.  This is because he loves the sound of his own voice.  He embodies the insight of Blaise Pascal:

I have discovered that all the unhappiness of men arises from one single fact, that they cannot stay quietly in their own chamber. 

Trump was followed by two toadies whose own position is so precarious that they must just play follow the leader at all costs – Hegseth and Vance.  They both saluted – dutifully and mindlessly – and revoltingly.  As if in a cabinet presided over by Kim Jong Un – just as it was in 2016.  (Do you remember Kim?  The mad murderer that Trump ‘fell in love’ with – probably just to spite the other murderer Trump admires, Vladimir Putin.)

Go back over a century or so and ask when a government succeeded by being presided over by a greedy illiterate convict surrounded by mindless and gutless sycophants.

It passes all understanding that a nation like the United States could have sunk so low, so fast. 

And there are worrying symptoms that the disease may spread – even to our shores.  We should therefore watch out for people – yes, especially men – who have an affinity for authority, division, and conflict, and who come from an area on the fringe that specialises in festering chips on the shoulder.