HERE AND THERE – THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE

Would you compare this empire to that of either Britain or of Rome? Only if you were God.

At its peak, the Ottoman Empire reached from the Atlantic coast of Morocco to where the Volga met the Caspian Sea, and from Aden to Budapest.  It contained all sorts – ultra-Islamic sheikhs to ultra-Protestant princes of Transylvania, and it included Orthodox Greek patricians in Istanbul, Algerian pirates, and plenty of Jews, including those evicted from Europe.  The titles of its Sultan included ‘Marcher Lord of the Horizon’, ‘Rock that Bestrides the Continents’ and ‘Feather on the Breath of God.’  The Sultan was also Caliph, the head of Islam. 

But this Islam was different to that of the desert.  It was more adaptable and worldly.  For a while, after 1453, when Constantinople fell, it posed a real threat to Europe – to Spain in particular.  But it lost the crucial naval battle of Lepanto, and it failed before the gates of Vienna.  Then the scientific and industrial dominance of Europe, the rise of Russia, and the growth in nationalism led to its decline and fall. 

The political genius of Kemal Atatürk, and a fruitless 1915 European invasion, led to the formation of the nation of Turkey, by far the most stable nation in the area.  Other parts of the Empire, especially the European, have not done so well.  And it is not easy to identify one Muslim nation that is as well governed as Turkey.

Patrick (Lord) Kinross may not have been in the first rank of academic historians, but he had a large output and an ability to paint a large canvass in rich and telling colour.  This subject is very large, and a difficult one for people of the West to come to grips with, but the book The Ottoman Empire is a very readable account – and there is not one footnote in sight. 

You only have to look at the history of the Balkans to show how fraught any history of this empire may be.  Or just consider this passage on the Armenian massacres.

Leakage of the news of these first Armenian massacres, which the Porte [the capital was modestly described as the Sublime Porte] had hoped to brush aside as a trifling incident, aroused strong liberal protests throughout Europe, prompting demands by the three powers – Britain, France and Russia – for a commission of inquiry.  This was duly appointed by the Sultan, in 1895, ‘to inquire into the criminal conduct of Asian brigands’ – thus hoping to pre-empt further investigation and prove the Porte’s version of events.  Following this mockery of justice, the powers, reinforced by mass meetings in London and Paris, put forward a scheme for Armenian reform, which the Sultan made a show of accepting in a watered-down version, with a profusion of unfulfilled paper promises.

Here then was a fitting prelude to the minuet of Jared Kushner and the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia, a meeting of consciences in tune.

Kinross does not duck the nasty bits.  When Mehmed III succeeded to the throne, he had nineteen of his brothers strangled by mutes – a record fratricidal sacrifice for the Ottomans.  Then he gave them a state funeral.  Six pregnant slaves, the favourites of the harem, were sown up in sacks and cast into the Bosporus, lest they give birth to claimants to the throne.  Then he put his chosen son to death.  His mother later went the same way.  ‘The adolescent Ahmed, who succeeded him, refrained from fratricide if only because his surviving brother, Mustafa, was a lunatic – and Muslims had a sacred respect for the mad.’  (And if you think the Romans were above this, you are dead wrong.)

Kinross begins his Epilogue this way:

The Turks were among the great imperial powers of history.  Theirs was the last in time and the greatest in extent of four Middle Eastern empires, following those of the Persians, the Romans and the Arabs, to achieve a long period of unity over this wide focal area where seas meet and continents converge.  As a new life-force from the East their contribution to history was twofold.  First, through their early successor sultanates they revived and reunited Islam in its Asiatic lands; then through the imperial dynasty they regenerated the lands of eastern Christendom.

The Kinross book was first published in 1977.  The phrase ‘great imperial powers’ may not have died on our lips in quite the same way back then.  In his first published work, Edward Gibbon said: L’histoire des empires est celle de la misère des hommes. ‘The history of empires is the history of the misery of mankind.’  Gibbon admired the Republic far more than the Empire, and he wrote to his father: ‘I am convinced there never existed such a nation, and I hope for the happiness of mankind that there never, never will again.’ 

But if the Turks made a mess of those in their charge, it was as nothing compared to what the Byzantine Greeks did before them and what the rest of Europe would do to the Middle East after them.  Too much of it has just been a playground for those who should know better.

MY SECOND TOP SHELF 23 – THE FATAL SHORE

THE FATAL SHORE

Robert Hughes, 1986

Folio Society, 1998; bound in illustrated cloth boards, and slip cased.

The nation of Australia began life as a lavatory for the refuse of England.  Or on a good day you might say that we were England’s Siberia.  The English jails were overflowing and the American rebels were refusing to take any more prisoners from their sometime mother country.  In The Fatal Shore, Robert Hughes is dead right about the hypocrisy of the American colonists.

The American colonies rebelled.  One result of the revolution was that the British could no longer send their convicts there.  The American air filled with nobly turned resolutions against accepting criminals from England, for a new republic must not be polluted with the Crown’s offal.  This was cant, since the American economy was already heavily dependent on slavery.  The real point was that the trade in black slaves had turned white convict labour into an economic irrelevance.  On the eve of the American Revolution, 47,000 African slaves were arriving in America every year – more than English jails had sent across the Atlantic in the preceding half century.  Beside this labour force, the work of white indentured convicts was inconsequential; the Republic did not need it.

This is an example of the flair of the author for getting to the point.  A few pages later on, we read that Governor Phillip, as he would become, was writing before sailing as follows:

As I would not wish convicts to lay the foundations of an empire, I think they should remain separate from the garrison, and other settlers that may come from Europe….The laws of this country will of course be introduced in New South Wales, and there is one that I wish to take place from the moment his Majesty’s forces take possession of the country: That there can be no slavery in a free land, and consequently no slaves.

This is a vital point of difference in the histories of the two nations.  In Somerset’s Case in 1772, Lord Mansfield had ruled that slavery was against the common law of England and could not therefore be allowed by that law.  (‘It is so odious that nothing can be offered to support it but positive law.’)  The United States was built on slavery; Australia was founded on the express rejection of slavery.

The author also comes briskly to the point on the fate of the aborigines.  After discussing the contact that Cook made with the aborigines, he says:

These few days of sparse contact on the coast of New South Wales sealed the doom of the aborigine.  There was no chance that the Crown would ever try to plant a penal colony in New Zealand, for the Maori were a subtle, determined and ferocious race.  These Australians, however, would give no trouble.  They were ill-armed, backward and timid; most of them ran at the sight of a white face; and they had no goods or property to defend.  Besides, there were so few of them.  All this the British authorities would shortly learn from Joseph Banks, without whose evidence there might have been no convict colony in Australia.

Then the problem of race met that of status.  The convicts thought that the law was harder on them than the black natives.

The blacks were an extension of the prison, its outer defence.  Take to the bush and they would spear you; they were on the officers’ side, just as the officers were on theirs….Revenge was easier dreamed of than exacted, as Phillip forbade punitive expeditions.  The officers and marines with their muskets were theoretically better armed than the [blacks] but the tribesman could throw four spears in the time it took to reload a flintlock.  The convicts were not armed at all, and so their efforts at revenge were futile….In the eyes of the British Government, the status of Australian aborigines in 1788 was higher than it would be for another 150 years, for they had (in theory) the full legal status and so in law, if not in fact, they were superior to the convicts.  The convicts resented this most bitterly.  Galled by exile, the lowest of the low, they desperately needed to believe in a class inferior to themselves.  The Aborigines answered that need.  Australian racism began with the convicts, although it did not stay confined to them for long; it was the first Australian trait to percolate upwards from the lower class.

The cruellest revenge came in Tasmania.

It took less than seventy-five years of white settlement to wipe out most of the people who had occupied Tasmania for some thirty thousand years; it was the only true genocide in English colonial history.  By the standards of Pol Pot, let alone Josef Stalin or Adolf Hitler, this was a small slaughter.  But not to the Tasmanian Aborigines.

There were side effects of the genocide committed by our white forebears in Tasmania.

This reliance on hunting brought prompt social results, all of them bad.  It installed the gun, rather than the plough, as the totem of survival in Van Diemen’s Land.  It favoured a mood of opportunism, of social improvidence.  Small settlers tended to neglect the long range pursuits of farming and instead concentrated on killing whatever they could.

For a while, the gun could have taken Tasmania closer to America than our mainland.

This fine but large book is sensibly compiled and beautifully written.  It catalogues the history of convicts in Australia.  They were at best a motley.   Most were sent here for crimes against property, including crimes committed with violence.  No one was sent here for the crime of murder or rape.  There were some political prisoners and some driven to crime by hunger, but the attempt to bestow the palm of martyrdom on our convict forbears is an exercise in Romance that may remind some of the attempts to ensaint the convicted murderer called Ned Kelly.  So, one 1922 account has: ‘Is it not clearly a fact that the atrocious criminals remained in England, while their victims, innocent and manly, founded the Australian democracy?’  In truth, more than half the convicts had prior convictions.  Very few were political prisoners.  Most were from the city, not villagers or peasants.  The law was savage, but as the author remarks, ‘a code’s badness does not necessarily acquit its victims.’  As the number of hanging crimes shrank, so the volume of offences meriting transportation grew.

Most convicts were ‘assigned’ – lent out as labourers by the government to private settlers.  This was bound to have consequences on status and class.

….the issue of class loomed large in penal Australia – a society traversed by confusingly rapid movements of individual status, where tides of men and women were constantly flowing from servitude into citizenhood and responsibility, from bitter poverty to new found wealth.  By the 1830s, Australia was as class-obsessed a society as any in the world.

We might set out a passage that shows that Robert Hughes had the flair for insightful comment of his brother Tom (one of the best advocates that this country ever produced and one I had the honour to appear with).

One speaks of ‘colonial gentry’ as though there were gentlemen in early Australia; but there were not.  Frontiers have a way of killing, maiming or simply dismissing gentlemen.  In any case, most folk with settled estates have no reason to go to a raw new country.  They can invest in it later, without needing to break their bodies on it now.  To succeed on the frontier, a man needed the kind of violent, grabbing drive that only failure or mediocrity in his former life could fuel….The Exclusives could define their sense of class against the despised Emancipists, but they were snobbish as only provincials could be.

You can, sadly, see a fair bit of all that kind of stuff around here still.  We are the produce of our history, and it has had more than its share of bastardry.

We might best leave to God any judgment on our convicts as a whole, but for a long time, the free white settlers and their descendants worried about the ‘Stain.’  In his Introduction, Hughes offers some observations.

….the desire to forget about our felon origins began with the origins themselves.  To call a convict a convict in early colonial Australia was an insult certain to raise colonial hackles.  The approved euphemism was ‘Government man.’  What the convict system bequeathed to later Australian generations was not the sturdy sceptical independence on which, with gradually waning justification, we pride ourselves, but an intense concern with social and political respectability.  The idea of the ‘convict stain’, a moral blot soaked into our fabric, dominated all argument about Australian self-hood by the 1840s…..Thus, local imperialists, who believed that Australia could only survive as a vassal of Great Britain, held that the solvent for the Birth Stain was blood – as much of it as England needed for her wars.  Below the propaganda of the Boer War and World War I, voices (usually working class and commonly Irish) were heard unpatriotically pointing out that having been shipped out as convicts, they were shipped back as cannon fodder….But to dwell on the Stain did not promote that sense of national dignity which our grandfathers and great-grandfathers believed got the lads over the wire…..One of the reasons why Australians after 1918 embraced with such deep emotion the mythic event of Gallipoli, our Thermopylae, was that there seemed to be so little in our early history to which we could point with pride.

There is some fine writing there.  Some of the thoughts may seem large – but they are at least worth putting on the table.  We are now nothing like ‘a vassal of Great Britain’ – but we still depend on the Mother Country to supply our head of state.  And plenty of us still gape at photos of a royal family in the most absurd costumes basking on the balcony of one of grandma’s palaces.  For those Australians, including me, who are horrified by what they see as our appalling political immaturity – an immaturity that is wholly self-imposed – the question is: to what extent is it a product of the Stain of our birth as a dunny?  Were our blood sacrifices to the mother country not enough to purge us of our past? 

Well, only God knows the answer – but on any view, our Stain is not as corrosive as the Stain of slavery.  And as one droll bastard intoned, Australia might be bound for glory since its people had been chosen by the finest judges in England.

Passing Bull 265 –Personal focus

Eric Fromm was either a psychologist or psychiatrist – I forget which –but he wrote prolifically and well, in books like Fear of Freedom and The Art of Loving.  In another book, he introduced the subject of narcissism with an anecdote.  A woman rang her clinic and said that she needed an urgent appointment that day.  They said that was impossible as they were fully booked.  ‘But I live just five minutes away.’  That was irrelevant at the clinic – but that was the only way she could see the issue – it was the only way she could see the world.  That apparently is part of what it means to be a narcissist.  A couple of days after Black Saturday, I was still in shock.  We knew we could have been wiped out.  I was talking about it with a fashionable silk at a mediation.  After a while, I knew I was talking to a brick wall.  The fires were just not part of her life.  What I said just failed to register.  This was very unsettling.  Not being able to see both sides is fatal in a lawyer.  And it is just a fatal in politicians.  It seems to be at the core of the breakdown in American politics.

Bloopers

The lady who accused Bill Shorten of rape is very bitter that her complaint was never prosecuted.  She is very distressed, to the point where her thinking is adversely affected.  It is very sad.  She says she knows ‘for a fact’ that the complainant against Christian Porter is telling the truth.  Going off the rails in politics is one thing.  Putting someone in jail for a delusion is altogether another thing.

Mr Porter – Add on

I may have added that if it is said that it is undesirable to have an Attorney-General the subject of an unresolved allegation of rape, Mr Porter will find himself in select company – one Cardinal and two Justices of the United States Supreme Court.

Passing Bull 264 – Execution

Have you noticed a vogue among cricket commentators?  When a batsman – please, God, never a batter – gets out, we sometimes get told that in the opinion of the commentator, the problem is one of ‘execution.’  This apparently means that the fault lay in the manner in which the player sought to play the shot – ‘execute’ it – rather than in choosing the kind of shot to be played.  I wonder about that.  Can we break down the component parts of action sports in that manner?  And if we can, why do we not hear it done in say golf, tennis and football?  Sometimes these verbal fads lead to assaults on language.

Bloopers

An inquiry by a respected former judge or panel of independent experts, looking at the ‘balance of probabilities’ in this case may not be the perfect answer, but it may be the only viable option left available to deliver some closure in this unusual case.

David Speers, ABC, 4 March, 2021

Whatever might be the subject of any inquiry, it is extremely unlikely that the test would be the balance of probabilities.  Even in a civil claim for damages for rape, the standard of proof would be so much higher.

Passing Bull 264 – Execution

Have you noticed a vogue among cricket commentators?  When a batsman – please, God, never a batter – gets out, we sometimes get told that in the opinion of the commentator, the problem is one of ‘execution.’  This apparently means that the fault lay in the manner in which the player sought to play the shot – ‘execute’ it – rather than in choosing the kind of shot to be played.  I wonder about that.  Can we break down the component parts of action sports in that manner?  And if we can, why do we not hear it done in say golf, tennis and football?  Sometimes these verbal fads lead to assaults on language.

Bloopers

An inquiry by a respected former judge or panel of independent experts, looking at the ‘balance of probabilities’ in this case may not be the perfect answer, but it may be the only viable option left available to deliver some closure in this unusual case.

David Speers, ABC, 4 March, 2021

Whatever might be the subject of any inquiry, it is extremely unlikely that the test would be the balance of probabilities.  Even in a civil claim for damages for rape, the standard of proof would be so much higher.

MY SECOND TOP SHELF 22 – WITTGENSTEIN

CULTURE AND VALUES

L Wittgenstein

University of Chicago Press, 1977; quarter bound in vellum, with ‘Wittgenstein’ blocked in red, and fancy paper on boards.

The father of Ludwig Wittgenstein’s father was a wealthy Jewish wool merchant from Hesse.   He converted to Christianity – of the Protestant variety – and married the daughter of a Viennese banker.  Their son Karl was well educated but he took off for America while still a youth.  He returned to Vienna, studied engineering, made a fortune and became one of the leading industrialists of the old Austro-Hungarian Empire.  His wife Leopoldine was also the daughter of a banker. She loved music, as her son Ludwig was to do.  Brahms and Mahler regularly visited the family.  She was Catholic, and Ludwig was brought up as a Catholic.

Karl had the children taught at home until they were fourteen.  When Ludwig left school he was not qualified to go to university.  He was sent to a technical school in Berlin.  He did not like it there, but he got an interest in aeronautical engineering which he decided to pursue at Manchester University. This is not blue ribbon stuff for high scholarship.

Wittgenstein actually played with the beginnings of jet engines, but his interest in engineering led to mathematics and then to philosophy.   Wittgenstein read the Principia Mathematica of Bertrand Russell and in 1907 Wittgenstein went to Cambridge to study with Russell. He spent only five terms there, but that was enough. Wittgenstein enlisted for the Army of Austria in World War I.  At the end of the war, he gave his share of the family fortune to his brothers and sisters.  They were able to use their wealth to escape being murdered by the Nazis. 

Wittgenstein appears to have remained deeply spiritual all his life.  Such a war as the one he fought in must have etched all kinds of things on a mind like Wittgenstein’s.  He was taken prisoner for a time and he had in his kit the manuscript of what would be his first book, Tractatus – Logico Politicus.   He taught at a school for a while and again thought of becoming a monk.  He tried his hand at building design before returning to Cambridge in 1929. He got a Ph.D. – which Oxford and Cambridge looked down on then – for his Tractatus.  He did not enjoy university life.  His rooms at Cambridge were like barracks.  He did not have a single book, painting, photo, or reading lamp.  He sat on a wooden chair and he wrote on a card table.  There were two canvas chairs and a fire-safe for his manuscripts.  This room served as study and class-room.  He kept a cotton stretcher in the second room. 

People were rarely neutral about Wittgenstein. They either loved him or they seriously disliked him.  He was about five feet six inches tall, had given up wearing a tie long ago, and had a gaze with the same transfixing power as that of one of his primary school classmates, Adolf Hitler.

Wittgenstein served his acquired home in the Second World War in hospitals – he had become a British national  After it, he developed what would now be called a cult following.   After a short visit to the United States in 1949 he learned that he had cancer.  He lived with various friends in Oxford or Cambridge until he died in 1951.  He was at peace with himself when he left us.  It says a lot for his character that the lodging in which he stayed at the time that he died was looked after by a landlady. Wittgenstein was in the habit of walking to the pub with her each night.  Wittgenstein would be about the most un-pub sort of person that God ever put on this earth, but he went out with his landlady for the walk and, moreover, would order two sherries.  He would give one to her and, since he did not drink, he would pour his over the flowers. That is not the conduct of a man bereft of humanity. 

Wittgenstein believed that the essence of religion lay in feelings and action rather than beliefs.  The book called Culture and Value is a collection of notes kept as a form of Commonplace Book by Wittgenstein from 1914 to 1951.  It contains observations on music and on the limitation of thought as well as religion.

What is good is also divine.  Queer as it sounds, that sums up my ethics.  Only something supernatural can express the Supernatural.

You cannot lead people to what is good; you can only lead them to some place or other.  The good is outside the space of facts.

This book [Philosophical Remarks] is written for those who are in sympathy with the spirit in which it is written.  This is not, I believe, the spirit of the main current of European and American civilisation.  The spirit of this civilisation makes itself manifest in the industry, architecture and music of our time, in its fascism and socialism, and it is alien and uncongenial to the author.

I am sure Bruckner composed just by imagining the sound of the orchestra in his head, Brahms with pen on paper.  Of course this is an over-simplification.  But it does highlight one feature.

What would it feel like not to have heard of Christ?

Religion as madness is a madness springing from irreligiousness.

Reading the Socratic Dialogues one has the feeling, what a frightful waste of time!  What’s the point of these arguments that prove nothing and clarify nothing?

Amongst ‘Jews’, ‘genius’ is found only in the holy man.  Even the greatest of Jewish thinkers is no more than talented.  (Myself for instance.)

The strength of the thoughts in Brahms’ music.

The spring which flows gently and limpidly in the Gospel seems to have froth on it in Paul’s Epistles.  Or that is how it seems to me.  Perhaps it is just my own impurity ….  But to me it’s as though I saw human passion here, something like pride or anger, which is not in tune with the humility of the Gospels.   All I want to ask – and may this be no blasphemy:  what might Christ have said to Paul? A fair rejoinder to that would be:  what business is that of yours?  In the Gospels – as it seems to me – everything is less pretentious, humbler, simpler.  There you find huts, and poor [the poor in] church. There all men are equal and God himself was a man; in Paul there is already something like a hierarchy;  honours and official positions – that is, as it were, what my ‘nose’ tells me.

For instance, at my level the Pauline doctrine of predestination is ugly nonsense, irreligiousness.

Christianity is not based on a historical truth; rather, it offers us a (historical) narrative and says:  now believe!  But not believe this narrative with the belief appropriate to a historical narrative, but rather:  believe, through thick and thin, which you can only do as the result of a life.  Here you have a narrative, don’t take the same attitude to it as you take to other historical narratives!  Make a quite different place in your life for it.  There is nothing paradoxical about that!

Queer as it sounds:  the historical accounts in the Gospels might, historically speaking, be demonstrably false and yet belief would lose nothing by this:  not, however, because it concerns ‘universal truths of reason’!  Rather, because historical proof (the historical proof-game) is irrelevant to belief.  This message (the Gospels) is seized on by men believing it (i.e. lovingly).  That is the certainty characterising this particular acceptance – as true, not something else.

One might say:  ‘Genius is talent exercised with courage’.

We could also say:  ‘Hate between men comes from cutting ourselves off from each other.  Because we don’t want anyone else to look inside us, since it’s not a pretty sight in there.

I do not believe that Shakespeare can be set alongside any other poet.  Was he perhaps a ‘creator of language’ rather than a poet?  I can only stare in wonder at Shakespeare; never do anything with him.

If Christianity is the truth, then all the philosophy that is written about it is false.

A proof of God’s existence ought really to be something by means of which one could convince oneself that God exists.  But I think that what believers who have furnished such proofs have wanted to do is give their ‘belief’ an intellectual analysis and foundation, although they themselves would never have come to believe as a result of such proofs.  Perhaps one could ‘convince someone that God exists’ by means of a certain kind of upbringing, by shaping his life in such and such a way.  So, if you want to stay within the religious sphere you must struggle.

These are the limits that a great thinker put on the power of his mind when it comes to God (and music). These jottings of Wittgenstein may remind many people of the thinking of God of another great German, Dietrich Bonhoeffer.   What we have here is not just the humility of knowledge, but its distilled wisdom.  In his Commonplace Book, Bonhoeffer had written: ‘Spinoza:  Emotions are not expelled by reason, but only by stronger emotions.’

Here and there – Mr Porter

Mr Porter is the name of a high end on-line shop for men who should know better – including me.  It is also the name of the Commonwealth Attorney-General.  He denies an allegation of rape alleged to have occurred thirty years ago.  The press is all over it – and all over the place with some dreadful flashes of ignorance about the law and due process – common fairness.  The following comments come from discussion I have had with colleagues this morning.  There is some duplication.

I do not know what an inquiry would be expected to achieve – except the sale of more newspapers.

Those pursuing Porter have what Helen Garner called an ‘agenda’.  They are about as sensible as animal rights people.  It’s as if this man must suffer to expiate all the sins committed on women in the past.  That is revolting.

Another difference with the Heydon case is that the victims there were alive and kicking and their allegations could be subject to some kind of test.

There was a worrying reference, I think in The Age yesterday, to the parents of the girl.  They did not want her to proceed with the complaint because, it was reported, they were worried that her mental condition may have led to her claim being embellished.  If that condition was present at the time of the alleged offence, it is very worrying.

I do not like the man at all. But, thank God, that is not the issue.  I feel desperately sorry for him.

A friend of mine said: ‘Kate Thornton’s parents do not think it happened. Her friends do. Obviously nobody can get any closer to the truth and nothing can be done. Hardly seems much consideration is being given to her grieving parents.’

David Speers, who is no dill, referred to a finding ‘on the balance of probabilities.’  That would not apply even in a civil action, and common decency should be revolted by the idea.

The level of ignorance in the press is remarkable.  On any view this is a human tragedy – but that does not mean someone has to do something. That is the great Australian answer in a nation never weaned off government.  Things just happen that leave us powerless. The suggestion that the inquiry be not into the rape allegation but whether he is fit for office – the question only arising because of the rape allegation – is so inane it might be mendacious.

You would hope editors would get commentators to put their comments to a decent lawyer before going public.  Would an inquiry be public or private?  Would it have the power to subpoena witnesses?  Would they put the parents through that pain by calling them – in private or public?  What rules of evidence would apply – to their evidence or that of other witnesses?  Above all, what are the questions that the inquiry will be asked to answer?  And what will be the standard of proof to be satisfied in answering those questions?  If Porter is be cross-examined – by whom and on the basis of ‘evidence’ that cannot be led in the normal way?

The suggestion that an inquiry would give Porter the chance to clear his name is so disingenuous, it looks dishonest.

I conducted a sensitive inquiry with heavy political consequences.  It was very tricky.  It would be a walk in the park compared to this cess pit.

Those making the most noise will suffer the least.

It is all so sad – and yet so familiar.

MY SECOND TOP SHELF 21 –AUDEN

Extracts from a book of fifty important books or people.  The second of four such volumes.

COLLECTED POEMS

W H Auden

The Franklin Library, 1978; Limited Edition, The Greatest Books of the Twentieth Century.  Bound in green leather, embossed and titled in gold, with ridged spine; gold edges to pages, moire endpapers and satin book mark.

When I was a young boy, but old enough to hear jazz as a distinct form of music, I bought my first LP – ‘Jazz for People Who Do Not Like Jazz.’  All of the poets who feature in this book might attract a similar label, and none more so than Auden.  But it took me some time when I got a bit older to adjust to the proposition that the following poem was addressed to a boy or young man.  This may not have been a rite of passage, but it was at least a hurdle on the path of education.

Lay your sleeping head, my love,

Human on my faithless arm;

Time and fevers burn away

Individual beauty from

Thoughtful children, and the grave

Proves the child ephemeral:

But in my arms to break of day

Let the living creature die,

Mortal, guilty, but to me

The entirely beautiful.

Auden had a dream upbringing and education, and studied English at Christ Church, Oxford.  He was ferociously bright, and would later write critical prose up to the intellectual standard of that of T S Eliot.  His poetry is, though, more accessible to the general reader than that of Eliot.  So, we might suspect, was his personality.  He had a long association with Christopher Isherwood, and he also had a following of acolytes.  The young Stephen Spender was desperate to get the attention of Auden.

‘You must write nothing but poetry, we do not want to lose you for poetry.’  This remark produced in me a choking moment of hope mingled with despair, in which I cried: ‘But do you really think I am any good?’  ‘Of course,’ he replied frigidly.  ‘But why?’  ‘Because you are so infinitely capable of being humiliated.  Art is born of humiliation’, he added in his icy voice – and left me wondering when he could feel humiliated.

That was the kind of preppy stuff that bright young men went on with at Oxford in those days, and it is as well to recall how many of them went clean off the rails.

Here is Auden, perhaps a little out of character, in Roman Wall Blues.

Over the heather the wet wind blows,

I’ve lice in my tunic and a cold in my nose.

The rain comes pattering out of the sky,

I’m a Wall soldier, I don’t know why.

The mist creeps over the hard grey stone,

My girl’s in Tungria; I sleep alone.

Aulus goes hanging round her place,

I don’t like his manners, I don’t like his face.

Piso’s a Christian, he worships a fish:

There’d be no kissing if he had his wish.

She gave me a ring but I diced it away;

I want my girl and I want my pay.

When I’m a veteran with only one eye

I shall do nothing but look at the sky.

Like so many of that ilk, Auden was drawn to the Spanish Civil War, but he would come to see it with an eye as clear as that of Orwell.  He contributed to the booklet Authors Take Sides on the Spanish War, but he did so in a pained way that showed the pain in his own mind.  Still, he did better than some other big hitters.  Ezra Pound: ‘Spain is an emotional luxury to a gang of sap-headed dilettantes.’  Evelyn Waugh: ‘If I were a Spaniard, I should be fighting for General Franco.’  T S Eliot: ‘While I am naturally sympathetic, I still feel convinced that it is best if at least a few men of letters should remain isolated.’  The only thing more limp-wristed than that is an aetherised hand upon a table.

He also had a clear mind on that curious notion, the role of the artist.

Artists and politicians would get along a lot better in the time of crisis [1939], if the latter would only realise that the political history of the world would have been the same if not a poem had been written, not a picture painted nor a bar of music composed.

If the criterion of art were its power to incite to action, Goebbels would be one of the greatest artists of all time.

Tolstoy, who, knowing that art makes nothing happen, scrapped it, is more to be respected than the Marxist critic who finds ingenious reasons for admitting the great artists of the past to the State Pantheon.

Here is an intellectual and Anglican poet on religion.

Luther

With conscience cocked to listen for the thunder,

He saw the Devil busy in the wind,

Over the chiming steeples and then under

The doors of nuns and doctors who had sinned.

What apparatus could stave off disaster

Or cut the brambles of man’s error down?

Flesh was a silent dog that bites its master,

World a still pond in which its children drown.

The fuse of Judgment spluttered in his head:

‘Lord, smoke these honeyed insects from their hives

All works, Great Men, Societies are bad.

The Just shall live by Faith…’ he cried in dread.

And men and women of the world were glad,

Who’d never cared or trembled in their lives.

Auden wrote a luminous and scholarly paper on Melville and others.  In his poem Herman Melville, he said:

Evil is unspectacular and always human,

And shares our bed and eats at our own table,

And we are introduced to goodness every day,

Even in drawing rooms among a crowd of faults;

He has a name like Billy and is almost perfect,

But wears a stammer like a decoration;

And every time they meet the same thing has to happen;

It is the Evil that is helpless like a lover

And has to pick a quarrel and succeeds,

And both are openly destroyed before our eyes.

Later in life, Auden got interested in Tolkien.

Tolkien is a man of average height, rather thin.  He lives in a hideous house – I can’t tell you how awful it is – with hideous pictures on the walls.  I first encountered him in 1926, at a lecture at Oxford.  He read a passage from Beowulf so beautifully that I decided Anglo-Saxon must be interesting, and that has had a great interest on my life.

Auden might remind us of Schubert.  Or, perhaps, Louis Armstrong.  You could just turn him on like a tap.  This gorgeously handsome volume runs to more than 700 pages.  That is a lot of poetry.

Auden died in 1973.  The first poem in this volume is dated December 1927.  The last poem is dated April 1972 and finishes:

Should dreams haunt you, heed them not,

For all, both sweet and horrid,

Are jokes in dubious taste,

Too jejune to have truck with.

Sleep Big Baby, sleep your fill.

In one of the Forewords to his collections, Auden said:

In art as in life, bad manners, not to be confused with a deliberate intention to cause offence, are the consequences of an over-concern with one’s own ego and a lack of consideration for (and knowledge of) others.  Readers, like friends, must not be shouted out or treated with brash familiarity.  Youth may be forgiven when it is brash and noisy, but this does not mean that brashness and noise are virtues.

Auden said that in 1965.  He was not to know that he was speaking of what has become in 2017 the malaise of our time.

Passing Bull 263 – Sovereignty

‘Sovereignty’ is a loaded term.  Sovereigns are big hitters.  The sovereign is supreme.  There is no one superior.  So when England was subject in some ways to the Church of Rome, its king was to that extent not supreme in his own nation.  Indeed, in scrapping with the barons over Magna Carta, King John became a vassal to Rome.  So when King Henry VIII was prevented by the Church of Rome from attending to an important matter of state – securing succession to the throne – the question for him was – who was preeminent in England – the king or the pope?  He settled the matter in his favour by persuading the parliament to break all ties with Rome by passing a series of statutes for that purpose.  One was naturally called the Act of Supremacy.  It iced the cake with the assertion that England was always known as an ‘empire’.  Now, Facebook is nasty and Mr Zuckerberg is nauseatingly unctuous, but Facebook is not challenging the place of the Commonwealth of Australia in the governance of this nation.  Rather, it is seeking to bring pressure on the government about a law it proposes to make – much as a union might do to an employer seeking to alter terms of employment.  Claims by government ministers that there is an issue about sovereignty resemble claims by employers that a trade union by industrial action is seeking to take over management of the company.  It is just a bit of local colour.  Facebook is well capable of shooting itself in its posterior.  And if it showed that to us on the way out, I would stand and cheer.