Thackeray on Turner and The Fighting Temeraire

The Fighting Téméraire is my favourite painting.  So it is for the English.  If you want to know why, read the views of William Makepeace Thackeray set out below.  The painting for me is like parts of Shakespeare or Mozart – a show stopper that renders language useless.  But they did not have to wait a century for people to get the point.

‘If you are particularly anxious to know what is the best picture in the room, not the biggest, and exactly contrary to the best, I must request you to turn your attention to a noble river-piece by J. W. M. Turner, Esquire, R.A., “The Fighting Téméraire” — as grand a painting as ever figured on the walls of any Academy, or came from the easel of any painter. The old Téméraire is dragged to her last home by a little, spiteful, diabolical steamer. A mighty red sun, amidst a host of flaring clouds, sinks to rest on one side of the picture, and illumines a river that seems interminable, and a countless navy that fades away into such a wonderful distance as never was painted before. The little demon of a steamer is belching out a volume (why do I say a volume? not a hundred volumes could express it) of foul, lurid, red-hot, malignant smoke, paddling furiously, and lashing up the water round about it; while behind it (a cold grey moon looking down on it), slow, sad, and majestic, follows the brave old ship, with death, as it were, written on her. I think we ought not, in common gratitude, to sacrifice entirely these noble old champions of ours, but that we should have somewhere a museum of their skeletons, which our children might visit, and think of the brave deeds which were done in them. The bones of the Agammemnon and the Captain, the Vanguard, the Culloden, and the Victory ought to be sacred relics, for Englishmen to worship almost. Think of them when alive, and braving the battle and the breeze, they carried Nelson and his heroes victorious by the cape of Saint Vincent, in the dark waters of Aboukir, and through the fatal conflict of Trafalgar. All these things, my dear Bricabrac, are, you will say, absurd, and not to the purpose. Be it so; but Bowbellites as we are, we Cockneys feel our hearts leap up when we recall them to memory; and every clerk in Threadneedle Street feels the strength of a Nelson, when he thinks of the mighty actions performed by him.

It is absurd, you will say (and with a great deal of reason), for Titmarsh, or any other Briton, to grow so politically enthusiastic about a four-foot canvas, representing a ship, a steamer, a river, and a sunset. But herein surely lies the power of the great artist. He makes you see and think of a great deal more than the objects before you; he knows how to soothe or intoxicate, to fire or to depress, by a few notes, or forms, or colours, of which we cannot trace the effect to the source, but only acknowledge the power. I recollect some years ago, at the theatre at Weimar, hearing Beethoven’s “Battle of Vittoria,” in which, amidst a storm of glorious music, the air of ” God save the King” was introduced. The very instant it began, every Englishman in the house was bolt upright, and so stood reverently until the air was played out. Why so? From some such thrill of excitement as makes us glow and rejoice over Mr. Turner and his “Fighting Téméraire” which I am sure, when the art of translating colours into music or poetry shall be discovered, will be found to be a magnificent national ode or piece of music.

I must tell you, however, that Mr. Turner’s performances are the most part quite incomprehensible. to me; and that his other pictures, which he is pleased to call “Cicero at his Villa,” “Agrippina with the Ashes of Germanicus,” “Pluto carrying off Proserpina,” or what you will, are not a whit more natural, or less mad, than they used to be in former years, since he has taken nature, or attempted (like your French barbers) to embellish it…. O ye gods ! why will he not stick to copying her majestical countenance, instead of daubing it with some absurd antics of his own?’

Passing Bull 375 – Nonsense about a cricketer

Passing Bull 375 – Nonsense about a cricketer

Where we live here in Australia, it is not unlawful to say something that is unreasonable, unhinged, or likely to offend someone.  It is different in Iran, Russia, or Turkey. 

But an Australian cricketer, Usman Khawaja, as decent a national representative as we are likely to see, is being roundly castigated for making what are called ‘motherhood’ statements.  Among other things, it is said that in the context of a dreadful war, the statements are ‘political’. 

To the extent that you can give any meaning to that kind of weasel proposition, it is bloody dangerous.  The last form of speech you want to shut down is ‘political’ speech.  That is why people who want to undermine decency in public life move to stop people speaking out against them.  And war being the scourge of humanity, it is vital that people are free to say so.  The greatest crimes against humanity have been committed by people who so terrified others that they kept silent in the face of the crimes of their government.

There are two paintings that are monuments not just to Spanish art but to civilisation – and not just western civilisation.  They are The Third of May 1808 by Goya, and Guernica by Picasso.  They are and have been admired and revered throughput the world.  They are protests against, and denunciations of, the horrors of war by two of the greatest painters we have known.  And each artist obviously invested what might be called his soul into the painting.  And, if you wanted to, you might say that each painting involved a statement that might be called moral, or political, or worse – propaganda.  (For example, Guernica makes clear that the main victims of the bombing were women and children.)

Any such statement about either painting being ‘political’ would add precisely nothing to our understanding of the world, but I have not heard it said that Goya should also have also put forward the views of Napoleon and the Vatican on his subject, or that Picasso should have also put forward the views of Hitler, Franco, Mussolini and the Vatican on his subject.  (Franco saw himself as standing for Christendom and engaged the clergy in his missions of death.)

Sadly, there are times when the level of what passes for debate about the current war in the Middle East fails to rise above a squabble between seven-year-olds behind the State School shelter shed and the universal riposte – ‘Well – you started it!’ 

In the name of Heaven, you can be scolded for suggesting that people should stop killing each other – at least for a while.  The word ‘ceasefire’ is apparently fraught – very fraught.

And may I come back to art and politics or morals?  Have you ever felt like me at a place like the Uffizi Gallery – ‘If I see just one more half-naked bloke dying in agony of open wounds, I will throw up on the bloody spot, and get out of this chamber horrors forever’?  When you look at the art of what we call the Renaissance, all that stuff that Kenneth Clark moons over, how much of it was not full-on propaganda for what was then in the process of ceasing to be the one universal church?

Blessings for Christmas – if I may be permitted either of those terms.

Khawaja – Gaza - freedom of speech – offensive language,

The fog of war

Correspondence about the conflict in Gaza prompts the following.

What is the legal basis of this war?  As I follow it, there is no nation or entity of Gaza.  In what sense is its government recognised, either as being authorised to speak for the people of Gaza, or otherwise recognised as an identifiable entity?  In other words, what people are identifiable as the respondents to the declaration of war and the invasion?  Who has what authority to speak for the government or people of Gaza?

The commentary on either side is partisan.  The main reproach of one side for the other is that it is partisan.  This is predictable and funny in discussing a football match.  It is neither in this tragic and lethal context.  The main complaint is that the other side does not concede enough about its fault, or the suffering it has caused.  This follows necessarily from partisanship, and failing to agree at what point in history you set the clock running for past events to be counted for or against either party.

One side says the other wants to annihilate it.  The other says its enemy has stopped it being born.

This is a form of guerrilla war.  The rules of war are hard to apply.  How do you tell ‘civilians’ from those who are not?  At what ratio of casualties does defence cease to be proportionate?

On both sides ‘freedom of speech’ becomes illusory.  It is at best odd to suggest that people should not be partisan – by talking about their case rather than that of their enemy.

If truth is the first casualty of war, sense and fairness are fast in line.

As it happens, while writing the above my eye fell on what Macaulay said about religious fanatics.  The English were not sorry to see the end of the Puritans.  Their mark on the U S is indelible.  Fortunately, they missed us.  Under Cromwell, they wanted to shut the pubs.

While the majority of the Anglican clergy quitted, in one direction, the position which they had originally occupied, the majority of the Puritan body departed, in a direction diametrically opposite, from the principles and practices of their fathers. The persecution which the separatists had undergone had been severe enough to irritate, but not severe enough to destroy. They had been, not tamed into submission, but baited into savageness and stubbornness. After the fashion of oppressed sects, they mistook their own vindictive feelings for emotions of piety, encouraged in themselves by reading and meditation, a disposition to brood over their wrongs, and, when they had worked themselves up into hating their enemies, imagined that they were only hating the enemies of heaven. In the New Testament there was little indeed which, even when perverted by the most disingenuous exposition, could seem to countenance the indulgence of malevolent passions. But the Old Testament contained the history of a race selected by God to be witnesses of his unity and ministers of his vengeance, and specially commanded by him to do many things which, if done without his special command, would have been atrocious crimes. In such a history it was not difficult for fierce and gloomy spirits to find much that might be distorted to suit their wishes. The extreme Puritans therefore began to feel for the Old Testament a preference, which, perhaps, they did not distinctly avow even to themselves; but which showed itself in all their sentiments and habits. They paid to the Hebrew language a respect which they refused to that tongue in which the discourses of Jesus and the epistles of Paul have come down to us. They baptized their children by the names, not of Christian saints, but of Hebrew patriarchs and warriors. In defiance of the express and reiterated declarations of Luther and Calvin, they turned the weekly festival by which the Church had, from the primitive times, commemorated the resurrection of her Lord, into a Jewish Sabbath. They sought for principles of jurisprudence in the Mosaic law, and for precedents to guide their ordinary conduct in the books of Judges and Kings. Their thoughts and discourse ran much on acts which were assuredly not recorded as examples for our imitation. The prophet who hewed in pieces a captive king, the rebel general who gave the blood of a queen to the dogs, the matron who, in defiance of plighted faith, and of the laws of eastern hospitality, drove the nail into the brain of the fugitive ally who had just fed at her board, and who was sleeping under the shadow of her tent, were proposed as models to Christians suffering under the tyranny of princes and prelates. Morals and manners were subjected to a code resembling that of the synagogue, when the synagogue was in its worst state. The dress, the deportment, the language, the studies, the amusements of the rigid sect were regulated on principles not unlike those of the Pharisees who, proud of their washed hands and broad phylacteries, taunted the Redeemer as a sabbath-breaker and a winebibber. It was a sin to hang garlands on a Maypole, to drink a friend’s health, to fly a hawk, to hunt a stag, to play at chess, to wear love-locks, to put starch into a ruff, to touch the virginals, to read the Fairy Queen. Rules such as these, rules which would have appeared insupportable to the free and joyous spirit of Luther, and contemptible to the serene and philosophical intellect of Zwingli, threw over all life a more than monastic gloom. The learning and eloquence by which the great Reformers had been eminently distinguished, and to which they had been, in no small measure, indebted for their success, were regarded by the new school of Protestants with suspicion, if not with aversion. Some precisians had scruples about teaching the Latin grammar, because the names of Mars, Bacchus, and Apollo occurred in it. The fine arts were all but proscribed. The solemn peal of the organ was superstitious. The light music of Ben Jonson’s masques was dissolute. Half the fine paintings in England were idolatrous, and the other half indecent. The extreme Puritan was at once known from other men by his gait, his garb, his lank hair, the sour solemnity of his face, the upturned white of his eyes, the nasal twang with which he spoke, and above all, by his peculiar dialect. He employed, on every occasion, the imagery and style of Scripture. Hebraisms violently introduced into the English language, and metaphors borrowed from the boldest lyric poetry of a remote age and country, and applied to the common concerns of English life, were the most striking peculiarities of this cant, which moved, not without cause, the derision both of Prelatists and libertines.

Thus the political and religious schism which had originated in the sixteenth century was, during the first quarter of the seventeenth century, constantly widening. Theories tending to Turkish despotism were in fashion at Whitehall. Theories tending to republicanism were in favour with a large portion of the House of Commons. The violent Prelatists who were, to a man, zealous for prerogative, and the violent Puritans who were, to a man, zealous for the privileges of Parliament, regarded each other with animosity more intense than that which, in the preceding generation, had existed between Catholics and Protestants.

Passing Bull 374 – Appealing to the mob

According to Shakespeare, the mob went wild when Caesar refused the crown.  They loved him even more when he failed physically in front of them.  He could be one of them!

He could also be like Trump – who said he could shoot someone on Fifth Avenue and his followers would not blink. 

Casca had seen it all.

Marry, before he fell down, when he perceived the common herd was glad he refused the crown, he plucked me ope his doublet and offered them his throat to cut.  An I had been a man of any occupation, if I would not have taken him at a word, I would I might go to hell among the rogues.  And so he fell.  When he came to himself again, he said, if he had done or said anything amiss, he desired their worships to think it was his infirmity.  Three or four wenches, where I stood, cried ‘Alas, good soul!’ and forgave him with all their hearts: but there’s no heed to be taken of them; if Caesar had stabbed their mothers, they would have done no less.  (1.2.269-275)

A learned commentator (Philip Brockbank) says:

Caesar uses his histrionic abilities to satisfy his audience’s expectations, contriving to make himself appear not only more god like but also more human than ordinary mortals.  That tense and ambivalent relationship between the public and its leader can make or unmake tyrants – it is ready to go either way – the divergence effect of catastrophe theory.  Because the people are satisfied as spectators, it seems that they acquiesce in or participate in the casual terror of Caesar’s regime.

The playwright saw it all – if Caesar had stabbed their mothers, they would have done no less.

Except that Trump would not have refused the crown.  He can’t help himself. 

And in the play, the crowd is about to whipped up to havoc and the dogs of war by the most duplicitous piece of mob oratory known in our letters – and then they butcher an innocent poet in the Roman gutter. 

P J Brockbank was led to conclude his paper as follows.

The play was, and remains, capable of awaking its audiences to a fuller and more sympathetic understanding of the catastrophic dynamics of human community.  But if it teaches us to distrust our rulers, it also teaches us to distrust the distrusters.

Some pairs in King Lear

Two old men, King Lear and the Earl of Gloucester (or Gloster), drive a theme with two plot-lines.  They are both now past it, and they are out of touch with the next generation – which in their case contains predators to whom they are vulnerable.  They respond by casting out the innocent child.  If Hamlet is about angry young men, King Lear is about angry old men.

Two sisters compete for nastiness.  ‘Tigers, not daughters.’  Bradley looks to give the palm to Regan – notwithstanding that Goneril murders her, and offers to give the same medicine to her own husband in order to make room in her bed for the bastard.  Bradley remarked that Regan had ‘much less force, courage and initiative than her sister, and for that reason is less formidable and more loathsome.’  Tales of evil sisters have a long history, but these too are hard to beat.  When Regan says she is sick, Goneril, the poisoner, says, aside: ‘If not, I’ll ne’er trust medicine.’  The humour is very black and morbid at the end.  But Regan does have ‘Let him smell his way to Dover.’  And that is pure evil.  Perhaps Bradley had in mind that being weaker, and second in line, Regan was the crueller bully when she got her chance.

Two sons, and brothers of sorts, are very different.  The bastard lives up to the argot in his title.  Gloster’s legitimate son, Edgar, is very hardly done by, but he finishes in triumph, while taking out the bastard, and coming into power.

The two husbands of the evil sisters fall out almost immediately, we are told.  Cornwall is the archetypal villain.  Albany comes fully to understand his folly in marrying Goneril.  Cornwall gets his due from a servant – exquisite irony.  Albany is set to retire hurt.  He was not built for this sort of game.

Two members of the aristocracy – two nobles, if you prefer –react in their own way to events above them.  Kent is nothing if not forthright – and he is ferociously loyal.  He is the first out of the family to feel the wrath of the king in his descent into madness.  Gloster is appalled at what is happening, but he plays the role of the dutiful courtier.  But when civil war is started, he has to take sides, and he pays the ultimate price in the cruellest scene of this playwright outside of Titus Andronicus.

The two French wooers of Cordelia are very different.  Burgundy is naturally unsettled that the offer of wealth has been withdrawn by a cranky king of perfidious Albion.  (He takes the Macron view of commerce.)  France is curious and big hearted – but at the end, he picks a bad time to have an alternative engagement, and his wife is murdered.

Two victims stand out because they are effectively disinherited for no good reason – Cordelia and Edgar.  Cordelia is the victim of her father’s hot blood, and the evil of her sisters.  Edgar is the victim of the evil of his sibling, and the pompous rashness of his father.  Gloster commits what might be called the Othello mistake – he convicts a loved one without hearing from him first.  (The mechanics of the two frauds are very similar.)  By contrast, Lear puts some kind of test to his daughter, and then snaps when she refuses to play the game.  There is thus a symmetry of evil and rashness in the story of two of the principal victims.

Two characters are sacrificed because they are simply not up to it.  Neither Gloster nor Albany is set in anything like the heroic mould.  They are courtiers who make up the numbers and who become collateral damage.  Albany survives, but his interest in ruling has died, and it will be a while before he thinks of marrying again.  One such ‘interlude’ is enough.

Two characters are cracked in the head – the Fool by nature, and Poor Tom by design.  The first adds to the theatre; Poor Tom does not do that – at least for most audiences today.

Two are there to meet in a fight, like that at the OK corral – Edgar and Oswald.  And each is up for it.  But Kent was the more natural antagonist: ‘His [Oswald’s] countenance likes me not.’   On this form, he could become an honorary member of the Marylebone Cricket Club. 

(The spray that Kent gives Oswald at 2.2.14ff could excite the jealousy of the coach of Melbourne Storm.  He is justly famous for his sprays of his manly entourage.  One of the milder forms of abuse of Kent for Oswald is ‘the son and heir of a mongrel bitch.’  Speaking of Melbourne Storm and rugby league – which is not the upper-class version of rugby – at their first meeting, Kent labelled Oswald ‘you base football player.’  The Everyman annotation reads: ‘a low game played by idle boys to the scandal of sensible men.’  The football reference makes dating the action in the play even more difficult, but the analogy is now complete.  This play is about the heaviest of this playwright on the stage.  Kent on Oswald is the play’s one belly laugh, and it should be played for all it is worth – otherwise the audience, too, might go mad.)

And there is something of the mathematics of the western in the fugue of the finale – two of the black hats get taken out by two of the white hats. 

And, finally, there is also an element of Greek tragedy.  Lear, Gloster, and to some extent Albany, are cleansed and enlightened by their suffering – Bradley says ‘purified.’  Which is what members of the audience might aspire to as the curtain comes down, and they go out to face the world.

The purpose of the play is to answer the question: ‘Is man no more than this?’  For that purpose, we the audience take upon ourselves the mystery of things, ‘as if we were God’s spies.’  And the answer is that all that stands between us and the primal slime is about as strong as a Tallyho cigarette paper.  That is why the study of evil in the theatre of the grotesque of the ages in King Lear is seen as this author’s greatest work.

Shakespeare – theatre – drama.

Napoleon

Mr Justice T W Smith was regarded as the leading judge on our Supreme Court in his time.  He declined a knighthood.  They were not then automatically granted to those appointed to the Supreme Court of Victoria, but were in the gift of the government.  Smith, J thought that may be seen as an inducement to judges not to offend government.  He referred to what Napoleon said when asked why he had reinstituted a titled aristocracy.  ‘Because it is by such baubles that men are governed.’

François Furet was a leading historian of France.  One of his works is Revolutionary France, 1770-1880.  It gives perspective to the events known as the French Revolution – a consummation devoutly to be desired.  It runs to 537 pages of text.  Eight of those pages are devoted to the coronation of Napoleon, and they show in detail just what Napoleon meant by the ‘baubles’ by which men are governed.

Everything was researched and rehearsed in exquisite detail so that the Corsican could place the crown on his own head – and slight the pope.  He was following in the path of the Holy Roman Empire, and Charlemagne the Great.  But he would not grant latterday homage to Charlemagne.

I have raised myself up to my actions.  He [Charlemagne] stayed at the point where birth placed him.  To reign in France, one must be born in grandeur, have been seen from childhood in a palace with guards, or else be a man who is capable of standing out from all the others….Right of inheritance, if it is to be successful, must pass to children born in the bosom of greatness.

You would be hard pressed to find a better example of megalomania.

The coronation took place in Notre Dame on 2 December, 1804.  Louis XVI had been executed on 21 January 1793.  In the history of the entire world, had there ever been such a reversal?  The Emperor claimed, and could enforce, powers the Bourbons could hardly dream of. 

But after his final defeat at Waterloo, Napoleon left five million dead, France in ruins, and the shell of an army he had abandoned twice.  He lost because he could not stop fighting, and the nation of France was fractured for the rest of the nineteenth century.  It endured appalling revolutionary schisms in 1830, 1848, and 1870.  The last led to the nation’s worst defeat in war at Sedan.  France just survived the First World War, and then participated in the mad lust for revenge that led to the Second.  And just recently, the gillets jaunes showed that the readiness to revolt can outweigh dreams about the Emperor and la gloire.

In the space of one generation, France had gone from dreaming of a whole new regime according to the philosophical gospel of Rousseau to a rampant evangelical nationalism under a foreign emperor, and the result was a tragic mess.

Writing when the fulness of this tragedy had been revealed, Hippolyte Taine was understandably bitter.  Taine completed his vitriolic history of the Revolution at an ugly time for France, in 1884, when the nation was still trying to achieve a settled state, and was still recovering from the most recent aftershock, the appalling events of 1870.  The book concludes after looking at the bequest of Napoleon by saying:

In this philosophical barracks we have lived for eighty years.  Those barracks had seen ‘the omnipotence of the State, the omnipresence of government’ – ‘Never were finer barracks constructed, more symmetrical and more decorative in aspect, more satisfactory to superficial views, more acceptable to vulgar good sense, more suited to narrow egoism….’

The great French historian Georges Lefebvre said this of Napoleon at the end of a two-volume history of his life from 1799 to 1815:

Nor was it an accident that led to the dictatorship of a general.  But it so happened that this general was Napoleon Bonaparte, a man whose temperament, even more than his genius, was unable to adapt to peace and moderation.  Thus it was an unforeseeable contingency which tilted the scale in favour of ‘la guerre éternelle’ [eternal war]…

The great Napoleonic achievement – the establishment of a new dynasty and the building of a universal empire – ended in failure.  Hence the imagination of the poet has tended to see the Emperor as a second Prometheus whose daring was punished by the heavenly powers, and as a symbol of human genius at grips with fate….But a military dictatorship did not of itself necessitate the re-establishment of a hereditary monarchy, still less an aristocratic nobility.  Nor was the best means of defending the natural frontiers to be found in expanding beyond them and so giving rise to coalitions in self-defence.  Yet this was what Napoleon was personally responsible for setting in train.

….He had in fact become more and more hostile to the Revolution, to such a degree that if he had had the time, he would in the end have partly repudiated even civil equality; yet in the popular imagination, he was the hero of the Revolution….He had instituted the most rigorous despotism; yet it was in his name that the constitutional reign of the Bourbons was opposed….

Yet the Romantics were not wholly wrong about him, for his classicism was only one of culture and cast of mind.  His springs of action, his unconquerable energy of temperament, arose from the depths of his imagination.  Here lay the secret of the fascination that he will exercize for ever more on the individual person.  For men will always be haunted by romantic dreams of power, even if only in the passing fires and disturbances of youth; and there will thus never be wanting those who will come…to stand in ecstasy before the tomb.

Now, most us find it hard to be ‘romantic’ about war or death, and standing in ecstasy before the tomb might be reserved to those people in France who prefer romance to the frightful history of France after Napoleon.

I had wondered why the French celebrate Bastille Day.  I was there at the Travellers Club on the Champs Elysee when it looked like the masses might scale the fortress.  It would be idle to dream of equality at that address.  But they did start beheading people in public in Paris on 14 July 1789.

Mr Justice T W Smith was regarded as the leading judge on our Supreme Court in his time.  He declined a knighthood.  They were not then automatically granted to those appointed to the Supreme Court of Victoria, but were in the gift of the government.  Smith, J thought that may be seen as an inducement to judges not to offend government.  He referred to what Napoleon said when asked why he had reinstituted a titled aristocracy.  ‘Because it is by such baubles that men are governed.’

François Furet was a leading historian of France.  One of his works is Revolutionary France, 1770-1880.  It gives perspective to the events known as the French Revolution – a consummation devoutly to be desired.  It runs to 537 pages of text.  Eight of those pages are devoted to the coronation of Napoleon, and they show in detail just what Napoleon meant by the ‘baubles’ by which men are governed.

Everything was researched and rehearsed in exquisite detail so that the Corsican could place the crown on his own head – and slight the pope.  He was following in the path of the Holy Roman Empire, and Charlemagne the Great.  But he would not grant latterday homage to Charlemagne.

I have raised myself up to my actions.  He [Charlemagne] stayed at the point where birth placed him.  To reign in France, one must be born in grandeur, have been seen from childhood in a palace with guards, or else be a man who is capable of standing out from all the others….Right of inheritance, if it is to be successful, must pass to children born in the bosom of greatness.

You would be hard pressed to find a better example of megalomania.

The coronation took place in Notre Dame on 2 December, 1804.  Louis XVI had been executed on 21 January 1793.  In the history of the entire world, had there ever been such a reversal?  The Emperor claimed, and could enforce, powers the Bourbons could hardly dream of. 

But after his final defeat at Waterloo, Napoleon left five million dead, France in ruins, and the shell of an army he had abandoned twice.  He lost because he could not stop fighting, and the nation of France was fractured for the rest of the nineteenth century.  It endured appalling revolutionary schisms in 1830, 1848, and 1870.  The last led to the nation’s worst defeat in war at Sedan.  France just survived the First World War, and then participated in the mad lust for revenge that led to the Second.  And just recently, the gillets jaunes showed that the readiness to revolt can outweigh dreams about the Emperor and la gloire.

In the space of one generation, France had gone from dreaming of a whole new regime according to the philosophical gospel of Rousseau to a rampant evangelical nationalism under a foreign emperor, and the result was a tragic mess.

Writing when the fulness of this tragedy had been revealed, Hippolyte Taine was understandably bitter.  Taine completed his vitriolic history of the Revolution at an ugly time for France, in 1884, when the nation was still trying to achieve a settled state, and was still recovering from the most recent aftershock, the appalling events of 1870.  The book concludes after looking at the bequest of Napoleon by saying:

In this philosophical barracks we have lived for eighty years.  Those barracks had seen ‘the omnipotence of the State, the omnipresence of government’ – ‘Never were finer barracks constructed, more symmetrical and more decorative in aspect, more satisfactory to superficial views, more acceptable to vulgar good sense, more suited to narrow egoism….’

The great French historian Georges Lefebvre said this of Napoleon at the end of a two-volume history of his life from 1799 to 1815:

Nor was it an accident that led to the dictatorship of a general.  But it so happened that this general was Napoleon Bonaparte, a man whose temperament, even more than his genius, was unable to adapt to peace and moderation.  Thus it was an unforeseeable contingency which tilted the scale in favour of ‘la guerre éternelle’ [eternal war]…

The great Napoleonic achievement – the establishment of a new dynasty and the building of a universal empire – ended in failure.  Hence the imagination of the poet has tended to see the Emperor as a second Prometheus whose daring was punished by the heavenly powers, and as a symbol of human genius at grips with fate….But a military dictatorship did not of itself necessitate the re-establishment of a hereditary monarchy, still less an aristocratic nobility.  Nor was the best means of defending the natural frontiers to be found in expanding beyond them and so giving rise to coalitions in self-defence.  Yet this was what Napoleon was personally responsible for setting in train.

….He had in fact become more and more hostile to the Revolution, to such a degree that if he had had the time, he would in the end have partly repudiated even civil equality; yet in the popular imagination, he was the hero of the Revolution….He had instituted the most rigorous despotism; yet it was in his name that the constitutional reign of the Bourbons was opposed….

Yet the Romantics were not wholly wrong about him, for his classicism was only one of culture and cast of mind.  His springs of action, his unconquerable energy of temperament, arose from the depths of his imagination.  Here lay the secret of the fascination that he will exercize for ever more on the individual person.  For men will always be haunted by romantic dreams of power, even if only in the passing fires and disturbances of youth; and there will thus never be wanting those who will come…to stand in ecstasy before the tomb.

Now, most us find it hard to be ‘romantic’ about war or death, and standing in ecstasy before the tomb might be reserved to those people in France who prefer romance to the frightful history of France after Napoleon.

I had wondered why the French celebrate Bastille Day.  I was there at the Travellers Club on the Champs Elysee when it looked like the masses might scale the fortress.  It would be idle to dream of equality at that address.  But they did start beheading people in public in Paris on 14 July 1789.

World Cup

The World Cup in cricket was a great result for Australia. 

Big games turn on character.  This team has it, and it has character as a team.  It is obviously very well led and coached.  You can tell that from their demeanour on and off the field.  The captain, coaches and selectors deserve all the praise they are getting. 

I cannot recall a better run outfit wearing my colours than the squad that has just won the World Cup.  I can recall disasters – under people like Langer or Michael Clarke. 

And the previous winners were infected by an arrogance that still showed itself in the denigration of Cummins – who is in my view the model for captain of the Australian cricket team.  Which makes him about the most important person in Australia.  (The white ants are as helpful as the RSL on Vietnam veterans.)

The final was set up by the three quicks and the best fielding in the competition.  (The semi-final was in my view decided on fielding.)  I think the selectors have struck the right balance in both bowling and batting.  Zampa is now a strike bowler, as good as any.  Smith and Marnus give the batting test match ballast, and Marnus and Warner set the tone for fielding.  The scene was set precisely to suit Marnus in our innings.  He is just the foil for hitters off the leash like Maxwell or Head.  When the third wicket fell, Ian Smith called the reaction of Head and Marnus one of ‘absolute courage.’ Marnus would be about the first bloke I would pick. 

And every team needs cheer leaders and talismen.

Good luck to all of them.  This is what Australian cricket is capable of and what we should get.  And what our children should grow up with.

The national footy codes, with the exception of the Matildas and, on a good day, the boys, can just look on and weep.

Finally, a word for those gentlemen at Lord’s who insulted those wearing my colours – you have not, and you never will, put a team in the field as good as this one of mine.

World Cup

The World Cup in cricket was a great result for Australia. 

Big games turn on character.  This team has it, and it has character as a team.  It is obviously very well led and coached.  You can tell that from their demeanour on and off the field.  The captain, coaches and selectors deserve all the praise they are getting. 

I cannot recall a better run outfit wearing my colours than the squad that has just won the World Cup.  I can recall disasters – under people like Langer or Michael Clarke. 

And the previous winners were infected by an arrogance that still showed itself in the denigration of Cummins – who is in my view the model for captain of the Australian cricket team.  Which makes him about the most important person in Australia.  (The white ants are as helpful as the RSL on Vietnam veterans.)

The final was set up by the three quicks and the best fielding in the competition.  (The semi-final was in my view decided on fielding.)  I think the selectors have struck the right balance in both bowling and batting.  Zampa is now a strike bowler, as good as any.  Smith and Marnus give the batting test match ballast, and Marnus and Warner set the tone for fielding.  The scene was set precisely to suit Marnus in our innings.  He is just the foil for hitters off the leash like Maxwell or Head.  When the third wicket fell, Ian Smith called the reaction of Head and Marnus one of ‘absolute courage.’ Marnus would be about the first bloke I would pick. 

And every team needs cheer leaders and talismen.

Good luck to all of them.  This is what Australian cricket is capable of and what we should get.  And what our children should grow up with.

The national footy codes, with the exception of the Matildas and, on a good day, the boys, can just look on and weep.

Finally, a word for those gentlemen at Lord’s who insulted those wearing my colours – you have not, and you never will, put a team in the field as good as this one of mine.

Secret deals in government

A political row in England erupted when a sacked Minister accused her Prime Minister of breaching a secret deal between them.  She says that to secure her support in his bid for the top job, she extracted promises from him about government policy – relating, say, to the government of Northern Ireland. 

Neither would or could allege that any such agreement could be binding in law.  But it is said be binding in honour – that is, morally binding.

But how could this be so?  A Minister of the Crown is in a position of trust.  He or she must act in good faith, and avoid assuming obligations to others that might conflict with the obligations of their office.  And they must account candidly to the public for the way they discharge their duty.

They cannot do that if they have subjected themselves to an obligation to another as to how they will conduct their office which they cannot divulge to the public.

And that is before you get to the question: Why did the deal have to be secret?

Ministers of the Crown must have the confidence of Parliament and the King.  They are obliged by their office to give true counsel to the King – that is, they are obliged to give such advice as they consider best suited to the nature of the case.  And they must candidly account for the way they discharge such obligations. 

Ministers fail in discharging those obligations if they undertake obligations with third parties about the way they will perform them in a way that precludes them from revealing such undertakings to other people.

Of course compromises and deals are the stuff of politics – but not when they have the consequences referred to above.

The deal referred to in the press was said to have been made between one Minister and another.  Imagine the uproar if the other was not a Minister, but Rupert Murdoch, Arthur Scargill, or Vladimir Putin.

That these considerations go unremarked shows how far we have fallen.

Horror and terror

Recent events in the Middle East are shocking, but they are not novel in our history. 

We did not have to wait for Stalin, Hitler or Mao to see sheer depravity.  We saw it in the nation that thought it was the most civilised in Europe, and therefore the world, in 1792 in France, in what are called the September Massacres. 

The French were threatened from outside and inside.  Here are extracts from Carlyle, The French Revolution.

So sit these sudden Courts of Wild-Justice, with the Prison-Registers before them; unwonted wild tumult howling all round: the Prisoners in dread expectancy within.  Swift: a name is called; bolts jingle, a Prisoner is there.  A few questions are put; swiftly this sudden Jury decides: Royalist Plotter or not?  Clearly not; in that case, Let the Prisoner be enlarged With Vive la Nation. Probably yea; then still, Let the Prisoner be enlarged, but without Vive la Nation; or else it may run, Let the prisoner be conducted to La Force.  At La Force again their formula is, Let the Prisoner be conducted to the Abbaye.—‘To La Force then!’  Volunteer bailiffs seize the doomed man; he is at the outer gate; “enlarged,” or “conducted,”—not into La Force, but into a howling sea; forth, under an arch of wild sabres, axes and pikes; and sinks, hewn asunder.  And another sinks, and another; and there forms itself a piled heap of corpses, and the kennels begin to run red.  Fancy the yells of these men, their faces of sweat and blood; the crueller shrieks of these women, for there are women too; and a fellow-mortal hurled naked into it all! …….

Man after man is cut down; the sabres need sharpening, the killers refresh themselves from wine jugs.  Onward and onward goes the butchery; the loud yells wearying down into bass growls.  A sombre-faced, shifting multitude looks on; in dull approval, or dull disapproval; in dull recognition that it is Necessity.  “An Anglais in drab greatcoat” was seen, or seemed to be seen, serving liquor from his own dram-bottle;—for what purpose, “if not set on by Pitt,” Satan and himself know best!  Witty Dr. Moore grew sick on approaching, and turned into another street.—Quick enough goes this Jury-Court; and rigorous. The brave are not spared, nor the beautiful, nor the weak……

In the dim Registers of the Townhall, which are preserved to this day, men read, with a certain sickness of heart, items and entries not usual in Town Books: “To workers employed in preserving the salubrity of the air in the Prisons, and persons “who presided over these dangerous operations,” so much,—in various items, nearly seven hundred pounds sterling.  To carters employed to “the Burying-grounds of Clamart, Montrouge, and Vaugirard,” at so much a journey, per cart; this also is an entry.  Then so many francs and odd sous “for the necessary quantity of quick-lime!”  Carts go along the streets; full of stript human corpses, thrown pellmell; limbs sticking up:—seest thou that cold Hand sticking up, through the heaped embrace of brother corpses, in its yellow paleness, in its cold rigour; the palm opened towards Heaven, as if in dumb prayer, in expostulation de profundis.  Take pity on the Sons of Men!—Mercier saw it, as he walked down “the Rue Saint-Jacques from Montrouge, on the morrow of the Massacres:” but not a Hand; it was a Foot,—which he reckons still more significant, one understands not well why. Or was it as the Foot of one spurning Heaven?  Rushing, like a wild diver, in disgust and despair, towards the depths of Annihilation? Even there shall His hand find thee, and His right-hand hold thee,—surely for right not for wrong, for good not evil! “I saw that Foot,” says Mercier; “I shall know it again at the great Day of Judgment, when the Eternal, throned on his thunders, shall judge both Kings and Septembers……

But the Constituted Authorities, all this while?  The Legislative Assembly; the Six Ministers; the Townhall; Santerre with the National Guard?—It is very curious to think what a City is.  Theatres, to the number of some twenty-three, were open every night during these prodigies: while right-arms here grew weary with slaying, right-arms there are twiddledeeing on melodious catgut; at the very instant when Abbé Sicard was clambering up his second pair of shoulders, three-men high, five hundred thousand human individuals were lying horizontal, as if nothing were amiss.

But of course, the horror got so much worse when the government orchestrated the killing in what is known as the Terror – which led I think to the term ‘terrorist.’  That just about tipped Carlyle over the edge.

One other thing, or rather two other things, we will still mention; and no more: The Blond Perukes; the Tannery at Meudon. Great talk is of these Perruques blondes: O Reader, they are made from the Heads of Guillotined women!  The locks of a Duchess, in this way, may come to cover the scalp of a Cordwainer: her blond German Frankism his black Gaelic poll, if it be bald. Or they may be worn affectionately, as relics; rendering one suspect?.   Citizens use them, not without mockery; of a rather cannibal sort.

Still deeper into one’s heart goes that Tannery at Meudon; not mentioned among the other miracles of tanning! “At Meudon,” says Montgaillard with considerable calmness, “there was a Tannery of Human Skins; such of the Guillotined as seemed worth flaying: of which perfectly good wash-leather was made:” for breeches, and other uses. The skin of the men, he remarks, was superior in toughness (consistance) and quality to shamoy; that of women was good for almost nothing, being so soft in texture! —History looking back over Cannibalism, through Purchas’s Pilgrims and all early and late Records, will perhaps find no terrestrial Cannibalism of a sort on the whole so detestable. It is a manufactured, soft-feeling, quietly elegant sort; a sort perfide!   Alas then, is man’s civilisation only a wrappage, through which the savage nature of him can still burst, infernal as ever?  Nature still makes him; and has an Infernal in her as well as a Celestial.

In France the issue involved crown and caste.  In the Middle East, God and the tribe are there.  Third parties in all.

But the misery blights mankind.

Actors on Shakespeare

You may be aware of my fondness for Tony Tanner on Shakespeare.  He was taught by Philip Brockbank.  Brockbank wrote a book Players of Shakespeare.  RSC leaders talk of some great characters.  There is a follow up. 

The book is immensely instructive.  Shakespeare was in business to entertain.  This is from the people who do the entertainment.  Why have not we seen it before?

I will leave it to the Melbourne Shakespeare Society to look at some characters in detail, but here are some morsels.

Brockbank:

The life of a part, as distinct from its significance, is the prime responsibility of the actor, and actors have traditionally been suspicious of theory or analysis, ascribing the creation of character in performance to decisions instinctively made, perceptions unconsciously arrived at, fine discriminations mysteriously achieved.  ‘Analysis,’ said Michael Redgrave, ‘does not come easily….’

So it is in my profession – and we might wonder why actors do not make more of theirs.  But suspicion of analysis dos not mean not being ruled by the text – and studying it with religious zeal.

Patrick Stewart on Shylock:

Shylock and his kind are outsiders, strangers, feared and hated for being different.  They belong to the world’s minorities.  They are, as the laws of Venice state, alien, stamped by that world to be always vulnerable and at risk; therefore survival is paramount….But however important Jewishness and antisemitism are in the play, they are secondary to the consideration of Shylock the man; unhappy, unloved, lonely, frightened and angry….Shakespeare created a portrait of an outsider who happened to be a Jew.

When Donald Sinden was offered the part of Malvolio, he said the part was tragic.  His director thanked God.  At the end of his essay, Sinden says suicide is the only option for Malvolio.  Comedy often entails cruelty.

Michael Pennington sees Hamlet as born in the wrong time and place:

alongside the evident generosity and grace in the man, there was now a strong current of violence, particularly toward the women in his life, aggravated by a sense of betrayal , and sadly misdirected towards them rather than toward his real enemy….A deep concern for the past runs through him and he never speaks of the future.

The final essay is by David Suchet on Caliban.  Suchet was obviously ferociously bright and a keen analyst of the text.  Caliban is seen as less than human and rudely dispossessed of his native land by someone of superior force.  Empire builders saw the natives as monsters.  Suchet is guided not just by the language, but its sound.

This discovery led to my playing Caliban at times dangerous and at times childish, but at all times totally spontaneous… Caliban has learned that being obedient he will be safe.  But when anybody else should ever come to his island again, he certainly will not even try to befriend them – he will kill on sight.

Well, as Babe Ruth said, when he had knocked one into the bleachers – ‘How do you like them apples?’

The insight of this playwright into us is endless.

And it is with us here now.