Why opera? 7 Puccini

7

Puccini

Now we come back to the problem of snobbery. In the case of Puccini, I have felt it at Oxford, but the worst culprits tend to come from the acolytes of the Master whom we have just been looking at.  It is, frankly, hard to see why people should feel so superior for worshipping at the same shrine as Adolf Hitler, but some of that Wagner crowd do stick their noses in the air and then hold them when the subject of Puccini comes up.  Well, there is one crowd that is hardly well placed to claim the high moral ground over the other on private life.  Perhaps the problem is that Puccini is and always has been popular.

Now, populism is right on the nose just now for obvious reasons.  But why was Puccini so popular?  He had an eye for drama, a natural sense of theatre, the knack of creating good songs, and the skill in manipulating the emotions of his audience.  Isn’t that essentially the case with Wagner – or any successful composer of opera?  Ah, yes, old boy, but think of the difference in the audiences – the Master did not patronise the gutter.  It is hard to think of a better case of pure snobbery.

In truth I think too many purists get needled by Puccini because he was like The Magnificent Seven – he just knew when to unleash his big guns, and the crowd – the unwashed crowd – specifically including ME – just bloody well loves it and calls out for more.  And, of course, Puccini was Italian, and opera is their invention.

Giacomo Puccini (1858 to 1924) was born into a fine musical family.  He began studies with his father who had studied with Donizetti, and then his uncle.  He then went to the Milan Conservatory and studied with Ponchielli.  His first works flopped, as did Verdi’s, but he had a success with Manon Lescaut in 1893 and a big hit with La Bohème in 1896.  Bernard Shaw then said that he was heir to Verdi.  Tosca and Madam Butterfly were also huge hits and came out at regular intervals.  Then came some hiccups around the time of the premiere of La Fanciulla del West in New York in 1910.  Puccini was working on Turandot when he died.  It premiered in Milan in 1926.

Puccini had become very wealthy and he could indulge himself in fishing and shooting.  His marriage was unhappy, as was his extra-marital life.  Many affairs became public, and one servant was driven to suicide.  Puccini won no friends by calling her ‘a silly girl’.

He did not have the sure conviction of his predecessors, but it might be said that he fused bel canto with verismo.  The Rough Guide’s summary is fair.

It can’t be denied that Puccini has his weaknesses: he often lapses into glutinous sentimentality; there’s more than a hint of misogyny in his preference for helpless heroines dominated by despotic men; and his plots are sometimes feeble or trivial.  But for most audiences, these weaknesses are beside the point, for his operas contain some of the most enjoyable music ever written, carrying into the twentieth century the legacy of Bellini, Donizetti and Verdi.

Now for the operas.  There is for some, including me, a structural problem with La Bohème and Tosca – some feel that the climax comes too soon, or, put differently, that each opera reaches a peak that it never gets back to – or that the end is a bit of a fizzer.  For some that problem is worse in the first opera than the second because the perceived climax comes at the end of the first act – in Tosca, you wait for the end of the second act – and, boy, there you do have a climax.  Some people feel the same about Beethoven’s third symphony, the Eroica.

Poor garret residents in the Latin Quarter are doing it hard – and cold.  Rodolfo falls for a consumptive seamstress, Mimi.  Some past attachments lead to rift which Rodolfo tries to heal too late.  The songs of the lovers in Act I are among the most popular in all opera – ‘Che gelida manina’ and ‘O soave fanciulla’.  The 1952 recording with Bjorling, Victoria de Los Angeles and Robert Merrill was long seen as pre-eminent.  But now we are again spoiled for choice.  For the whole opera, you can go straight to Netrebko with Villazon, or listen to versions conducted by Karajan or Carlos Kleiber, who some good judges thought was one of the best, conducting at La Scala.  The Karajan version was directed by Zeffirelli, but it is fascinating to compare the two orchestral sounds.  At the least, you should listen to the two great songs I referred to.  They are best sellers for good reasons.  Try the 1964 concert version in Russia of Pavarotti – he really had the bullets to fire when the composer unleashed the guns.  That’s what the fans have come for.  Or try the Peruvian Juan Diego Florez, who is hot in bel canto and here.  He reminds me of Di Stefano.

When I was looking at Thomas Allen in the last act of Don Giovanni, and I said that it may have its dramatic equal, I had in mind the second act of Tosca, and one famous version of it in particular.  A painter, Cavaradossi, the lover of Tosca, a jealous opera singer, shields a political prisoner.  The evil head of police, Scarpia, forms a scheme to seduce Tosca while destroying the painter.  Scarpia has him tortured in her presence.  She reveals where the escaped prisoner is and agrees to sleep with Scarpia if he lets Cavaradossi go.  They do a deal which backfires even after Tosca kills Scarpia at the end of Act II.

It is relatively unusual to find a piece for the stage where a central figure is a study in pure evil.  That is very much the case in Billy Budd with John Claggart.  It is so here with Scarpia.  The tenor has two wonderful arias ‘Recondita armonia’ and ‘E lucevan le stella’ and the soprano has ‘Vissi d’arte’But the whole show centres on the life and death struggle between Tosca and Scarpia in Act II.  The 1953 recording of Callas with Gobbi was one of the most successful records ever made.

But now you can watch them on screen.  Try the 1964 Covent Garden version directed by Zeffirelli.  The voice of Callas may not have been what it was, although this was not her biggest test vocally.  But just look at the stage presence of each of Callas and Gobbi in a struggle between ineluctable evil and overwhelming innocence by two superstars of the stage in one of the great set pieces of theatre, so well-known that it has its own liturgy.  Just look at their eyes and feel the timing.  I doubt whether many saw intensity like that since the soprano’s ancestors were putting on Orestes and Medea.  The sense of elemental force is physically unsettling.  At Covent Garden, they take curtain calls at the end of the act.  You will see here that the audience does not applaud ‘Vissi d’arte’, and properly so because of the point in the drama, but they can let go at the curtain.  Even from here you can feel the tension – it reminded me in part of the tension on Broadway when Richard Burton loaded up on Hamlet.  And just look at the serene way these two pros take their bows.

Now, we have some wonderful singers now who can act, but I doubt whether the two we have just been looking at will ever matched for raw horse-power on the stage.  If you get nothing else but this act from these notes, you will not have done your money.

Madame Butterfly is another tear jerker.  It is all so inevitable – and for that reason, like Othello (on stage), it is not among my favourites.  You just find yourself bracing for the fall.  An American naval officer marries a young Japanese girl, impregnates her, and dumps her.  When he comes back with a white wife, Madame Butterfly kills herself.  I can’t help thinking that plot might be better placed in a ballet.  It crashed on its first night in the face of concerted attacks on the composer before an audience not as entranced with the orient as the French, but one used to the hard action of verismo.  Then Puccini cleaned it up a bit and it became a hit.  It has always played well for the AO.  I prefer the Tebaldi and Bergonzi version.  You may wish to see Alana Gheorghiu sing ‘Un bel di’ at the Lincoln Centre in New York.  (I saw Carmen there.  At the first break in the action, a guy about four rows back said, with a perfect Brooklyn accent that carried: ‘She’s got great legs, but she can’t (pronounced ‘Kant’) sing!’)

That brings us to another show set in the east.  Turandot is about an evil princess who tempts young blades to their death when they fail to answer her riddles.  She finally succumbs to the hero after the unfolding of a story involving his servant Liu.  It is a show that can stand a big production, and it got it from the AO when it was choreographed by Graeme Murphy, the ballet choreographer.  It now gets featured on Sydney Harbour.  It is a big role for the soprano.  Some think that ‘In questa reggia’ was what broke Callas.  I have a Wagnerian soprano Birgit Nilsson doing it with Bjorling.  You might listen to her doing the opera with Franco Corelli – and then you can listen to two belters.  Another big voice for this aria was the great Leontyne Price.  You can get the famous Sutherland and Pavarotti version.  You should look out for the big aria for the soprano, and a lovely song for the tenor, ‘Non piangere, Liu’.

And yes, you are allowed to take ‘Nessun Dorma’. It comes near the end of the show. Try Jonas Kaufman who is thought by some to the best tenor now going.  You can get him on Last Night at the Proms with the BBC Symphony Orchestra conducted by a woman.  Again we see that assurance.  It’s like being passed by a Bentley – you know he’s got a fair bit left in the tank.  Just watch him at the end before an enraptured English audience.  He knows he’s nailed it.  And he bursts out in laughter.  I mean this – really – when I say that it reminded me of the 2007 NRL Grand Final.  Greg Inglis ran more than half the field, and then while balanced just inside the line, he put on a fend to see him over the try line – he was a freak, and as he touched down, he burst out laughing.  At that level, you are entitled to enjoy your own great talent.  God bless all of them!

I might mention two well-known pieces from other Puccini operas that are popular in the concert hall – ‘Ch’ella mi creda’ from La Fanciulla del West and ‘Donna non vidi mai’ from Manon Lescaut.  Both are on the disk Allegro al dente that we began with.

For completeness we might mention here also the French composer Georges Bizet (1838 to 1875).  You will see that he died too soon.  He of course wrote Carmen and The Pearl Fishers that has the great duet we looked at when we started.  Bizet said: ‘I tell you that if you were to suppress adultery, fanaticism, crime, evil, and the supernatural, there would no longer be the means for writing one note.’  He was not alone.  For even more completeness, I may say that Tchaikovsky (1840 to 1893) who is famous for his ballets, wrote two operas.  Eugene Onegin is well supported when put on by the AO.

Well, there you have Puccini – a wonderful source of entertainment at the opera and of solace before the fire.  Don’t let any snob tell you anything different.  And remember, he was an Italian – and second in opera only to one other Italian and Mozart.

Passing Bull 113 – Bleating from the banks

New taxes on banks, both federal and state, have caused outrage. My paper, the AFR, got itself into a right tizz, and went into a leaden, clichéd overdrive.

First Canberra held up the banks because the politicians couldn’t control their spending, and the banks were both profitable and unpopular. Now that the Feds have broken into the banks’ vaults, other levels of government are joining in the looting of private stakeholders’ money. What we are witnessing is nothing less than the debauchery of the political system.

In yesterday’s budget, South Australian Treasurer Tom Koutsantonis announced that his state was going to follow Scott Morrison’s lead and whack the big four banks plus Macquarie with a 0.015 per cent tax on the South Australian share of their liabilities. Whereas Morrison said the banks could afford to ‘‘pony up’’ because ‘‘no one likes you anyway’’ and it was just a ‘‘fair additional contribution’’, Mr Koutsantonis said ’’we know they are making super profits’’ and that ‘‘even if every other state follows, they’d still be under-taxed’’. Sound familiar? Oh, and it will raise $370 million for the mendicant state whose disastrous renewable energy policy means they can barely keep the lights on, just as Morrison’s version is expected to raise $6.2 billion federally.

As we editorialised after the May budget, this is the Willie Sutton school of budget management: robbing the banks because that’s where the money is. Strapped governments simply reach around for cash wherever it can be found. Morrison’s Liberal Party, ostensibly the party of fiscal discipline, thought this was a great idea. Why shouldn’t the states follow suit? Yet this is serious, and may be the thin end of the wedge if other cash-strapped states choose to follow South Australia’s lead.

Dear, dear, dear – looting!  ‘Of private stakeholders’ money’ – in a public company?  Should we be looking for reds under the bed?

Then they published what lawyers call a plea from Ian Narev of the CBA (in which I hold shares).

The providers of the capital that fuels our economy are international pension funds, just like the Australian super funds looking after our retirement savings. These funds place high importance on strong banks. But they also place high importance on strong, predictable government policy. Providers of capital hate surprises. Surprises undermine their confidence to invest. They wonder where surprises will end. And in a world where they have abundant choices for investment, surprises ultimately lead them to take their capital – the capital we need to build businesses and create jobs – elsewhere.

Unpredictability of government policy has a clear label: sovereign risk. Ask global investors about their view of Australia, and most will point to significantly elevated levels of sovereign risk.

It is in this context that we should view the South Australian government’s unprincipled and reckless tax grab as it walked through the gate the federal government left open. Despite the fact that almost every Australian has an economic stake in the banks, and that banks directly and indirectly create jobs and wage growth, the Federal and South Australian Governments revel in saying how easy it will be to gain support even for populist policies that have no basis in sound economics.

They may be right. But they miss the big point. Under their watch, sovereign risk in Australia is rising exponentially. That won’t show up in short term opinion polls. It will show up over the longer term in reduced investment and higher costs of capital. And the community may take a different view when, in time, the consequences of these ill-considered policies become obvious, and can’t be explained away by slogans.

What that means, I think, is that Mr Narev fears that he may now have to pay more for his money.  Poor fellow – quel domage!  The business of banking is simple.  You take money in through the left window at X% and let it out through the right window at X+Y% and you pocket the difference.  Mr Narev is here worrying about the left widow – X may grow a bit.  But what got the silly buggers into trouble was the right window – they found that in their greed they could not get their money back.  You should watch The Big Short at the cinema and listen to the audience sigh and groan at the galahs that nearly sent us down.

The banks may have a ground of objection in economics.  I wouldn’t know – but I do know that I am suspicious about economists.  Where were these gurus when we needed them in the lead up to the GFC?  Why could some whizz kids working in a U S garage see what was coming when no practising economist could?  I’m even more suspicious when an appeal is made to the knowledge of business insiders.  ‘Trust me, I’m a banker’ does not wash – to the certain knowledge of ‘I the banker.’

What about the politics then?  A home run against the banks.  How many people are in favour of cutting taxes paid by large profitable companies and reducing support for the young, the sick, the unemployed, and the aged? (Disclaimer – I may qualify under three of those headings.)

The federal government was crude – as is its wont – in saying that they could be cavalier with the banks because banks are unloved.  But we do have a kind of democracy, and that is a form of government that should reflect the thinking and feelings of the people at large.  It’s just tripe to dismiss that fact of life as ‘populism.’  If the people as a whole are angry with the banks – and they are – then it is natural that the government reflects this anger in their laws.  That’s just what we have here.

For my part, I see no substance in the Commonwealth’s criticism of the state of South Australia. The people of that state have a government of a different political colour to that of the Commonwealth.  For reasons I understand, people there are angry with both the Commonwealth and the banks, and that anger too will be reflected in their laws.

Of course there is a risk that these taxes will expand.  That’s a risk with any tax and with just about any law.  Income tax started as an emergency wartime measure to stop Napoleon.  The government just got hooked on it, just as our governments got hooked on gambling revenues.

The banks were on the nose before the GFC.  Someone like Mr Narev gets paid about one hundred times what Peggy Sue the bank teller gets.  One of his main functions – one of his ‘drivers’ – is to sack as many Peggy Sues as he can and to  leave me dangling on the line to the bowels of Bengal.

In their defence of their obscene pay levels, the banks refer to market forces.  But their embrace of these forces dissolves into the ether when those forces don’t suit them.  When market forces threatened the very existence of the banks, they came running to Daddy and Mummy for their dummy.  They want me to stand behind them, whether I like it or not.  They need us to guarantee them.  So much for market forces, and those reactionaries who fulminate against government funded bodies like the ABC.  At least the ABC acknowledges that it’s there to serve us – and don’t even think of asking which people trust more, Aunty or the banks.

With our help, the banks rode out the GFC.  That crisis had been brought on by criminal greed and profit-driven ineptitude.  We picked up the tab.  The bankers trousered their bonuses.  Almost no one went to jail.  But people kept losing their jobs.  Those left in work saw their wages stall, while their bosses were rolling in it.  The banks sat pretty on our backs.

And they didn’t bother to support the government or even decently liaise with it.  Instead they gave it the bird by appointing someone from the other team to lead their defence.

The banks behave with this lordly insouciance in an industry that doesn’t just need what politicians call a ‘social licence’ – they must have a legal licence to open their doors, just as I need a licence to drive a car.  Well, they have got used to being callous with their staff, and rude to me – but can’t they see the sense of getting on with their government, or, if you prefer, their sovereign?

And in cataloguing some of the reasons why people don’t like or trust banks, I have not mentioned that the top pay levels are often set by criteria that encourage bank officers to cut corners with the law and decency.  The word for that is ‘corrupt’.

What about sovereign risk?  This is a protean term.  I would think that people dealing with a bank may have to account for the chance that the government behind it may default on its debts or other obligations or that it might legislate against the banks.  The greatest risk, as it looks to me, is that the government might repudiate its guarantee of the banks or fail to honour it.  It’s not in Mr Narev’s interest to mention that risk in this context.

My little super fund holds a significant part of its shares in banks.  I did that on advice from a mate who is a broker.  He said that the conduct of the banks that made them jerks to their staff or me may make them more profitable and enable them to maintain their flow of dividends.  He also advised that I look for markets that are tightly controlled and looked after by governments. (I can’t recall if he used the word ‘cosseted’.)

These new taxes may lead to a reduction in my dividends.  I doubt that – I certainly don’t fear my being ‘looted’.  But it will all be worthwhile if this little démarche leads to an improvement in the banks’ manners.  I am sick of their arrogance, posturing, and bleating.  Frankly, I’m even sicker of looking at people making twenty times what I made at my top with little of the learning and none of the risk.

Poet of the month: Homer, Iliad, Book 1.

The Greeks in shouts their joint assent declare, 

The priest to reverence, and release the fair. 

Not so Atrides; he, with kingly pride, 

Repulsed the sacred sire, and thus replied:

‘Hence on thy life, and fly these hostile plains, 

Nor ask, presumptuous, what the king detains 

Hence, with thy laurel crown, and golden rod, 

Nor trust too far those ensigns of thy god. 

Mine is thy daughter, priest, and shall remain; 

And prayers, and tears, and bribes, shall plead in vain; 

Till time shall rifle every youthful grace, 

And age dismiss her from my cold embrace, 

In daily labours of the loom employ’d, 

Or doom’d to deck the bed she once enjoy’d 

Hence then; to Argos shall the maid retire, 

Far from her native soil and weeping sire.’

Passing Bull 81  –  A Portrait of an Idiot

In a book soon to be published called Language, Meaning, and Truth, you will find something like what follows.

Unfortunately, and notwithstanding the obvious problems we have just referred to, labelling is not just common but mandatory in far too much political discussion in the press, and certainly for shock jocks and those who make a career out of working TV chat shows.  While some people naturally thrive on conflict – Napoleon and Hitler are two bad cases – some people in the press engage in conflict for a living.  These people rarely have a financial motive to respond reasonably, much less to resolve the conflict.  To the contrary, they have a direct financial interest in keeping the conflict as explosive as possible.  It is notorious that controversy feeds ratings and that bad news sells newspapers.

If you put up an argument to one of these people who live of the earnings of conflict, the response will very commonly involve two limbs – a personal attack  on you (the Latin tag for which is ad hominem), followed by some labels, which are never meant as compliments.  So, for example if someone, were to query the rigour of the policies of the government toward refugees, a predictable response would be ‘What else would you expect from someone who subscribes to the ABC?  How would you like these people to move in next door?’  There is no argument – just vulgar abuse.

The CIA reported that Russia had intervened in the US presidential election.  That report did not please Donald Trump.  In trashing his own intelligence community, the president elect gave a text- book example of the response referred to above – a personal attack followed by some labels – no argument – just vulgar abuse.

These are the same people that said Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction. The election ended a long time ago in one of the biggest Electoral College victories in history. It’s now time to move on and ‘Make America Great Again.’

This is what we must expect as we go from a president of intellect and integrity to a buffoon and bully who has neither.  This is the reaction of an uneducated spoiled child – which is what Trump is.

Poet of the Month: Vergil (Eclogues)

Need I mention him who, having sown the seed,

follows closely, and flattens the heaps of barren sand,

then diverts the stream and its accompanying brooks to his crops,

and see, when the scorched land burns, the grasses withering,

he draws water, in channels, from the brow of the hill.

Or him who grazes his luxuriant crop in the tender shoot,

as soon as the new corn’s level with the furrow,

lest the stalks bend down with over-heavy ears.

Or him who soaks out a marsh’s gathered water with thirsty sand,

especially in changeable seasons when rivers overflow

and cover everything far and wide with a coat of mud,

so the hollow ditches exude steamy vapours?

Passing Bull 75 – Two words to avoid

In the last four or five months, some people called ‘the elite’ have been held to be responsible for quite a lot, including political earthquakes in England and America.   Apparently, they have not cared enough about those who are on the wrong end of the inequality stakes.  The people who make this claim are often in the media, which is a principal target of those who have missed out.  The elite are those who are chosen.  It should mean the cream.  It is hard to see the press in general, or the Murdoch press in particular, as the cream.  But it is harder to see just who the elite are here.  In truth, it is just a distracting label for an indeterminate body of people, and a gateway to bullshit.

Another problem word for us now is ‘conservative’.  A conservative political party is one that seeks to keep things as they are and to minimise government action.   The Tories in England claim to be such a party.  Until recently, the Republicans did also in America.  For many reasons, we have never had a real conservative party in Australia.  We are just too reliant on government to allow that to happen.  And we don’t like ideologues.

But now the word ‘conservative’ is claimed by some politicians, such as Abbott or Bernardi, and commentators, such as Bolt.   As best I can see, the ingredients of their beliefs are as follows.  They are concerned about ‘border protection’ – they think it is in order to hold indefinitely people who sought to enter this country by boat in order to deter people they call ‘people smugglers.’  They think that what we call ‘climate change’ is either bullshit or over-rated; they get very worked up over ‘renewables’.  They also get worked up over laws about insulting and offensive words.  They say that a law against insulting or offending people on the ground of race limits their freedom of speech.  Of course it does – the question is why they want to be free to insult and offend people on the ground of race, and how that freedom might benefit them or us.  They are mostly monarchists; Abbott’s mania about this was instrumental in his losing office.  And most of them claim to be close to God – obnoxiously so to those who prefer to see religion kept out of politics – no matter what the faith may be.

I hold the opposite view on each, but it is hard to see how these views qualify for the label conservative.  This is especially so with the views on hate speech and climate change.  I don’t see how the rejection of science or laws needed to maintain public order makes someone a ‘conservative.’  And, if it matters, both look to be pure bullshit – and to be the subject of quite manic pogroms in the Murdoch press.

I saw four exemplars of this weird faction on Sky the other night.  Going from left to right around a bemused and sensible chair they were – Bronwyn Bishop, Mark Latham, Ross Cameron, and Rowan Dean.  I don’t know how much alcohol was involved, but they were like pigs in a trough.  They were bucketing Obama and chortling about Trump.  It was like Animal Farm crossed with Lord of the Flies.  It was seriously scary and nauseating.  Dean may be the most revolting person in public life here, but that night he had three challengers.

This faction is in my view in large part responsible for Shorten being tipped to win the next election by the length of the straight.

That’s all now – I’m being worked over by Telstra again.  I know what it feels like to be rejected – but here the ‘elite’ are certainly not involved.

 

Poet of the month:  Rosemary Dobson

On Christina Stead

I sit beside the bed where she lies dreaming
Of pyrrhic victories and sharp words said,
She will annihilate the hospital …
Suppose her smouldering thoughts break out in flame,
Not to consume bed, nightdress, flesh and hair
But the mind, the working and the making mind
That built these towers the world applauds …
I have dreamt her nightmare for her. She wakes up
And turns to smile with quick complicity.
”I wasn’t asleep. I watched you sitting there.”

Passing Bull 69 – Secrecy and Camps

In The Third Reich in Power, 1933-1939 (2005), Richard Evans says of concentration camps in the Reich that officers and guards were banned from talking about their work:

Communication between inmates and their relatives or friends was restricted; officers and guards were banned from talking about their work to outsiders.  What happened in the camps was meant to be shrouded in mystery.  Attempts by the regular police and prosecution authorities to investigate murders that took place there in the early years were generally rebuffed.  By 1936, the concentration camps had become institutions beyond the law.  On the other hand, however, the regime made no secret at all of the basic fact of their existence.  The opening of Dachau in 1933 was widely reported in the press, and further stories told how Communist, and Reichsbanner and ‘Marxist’ functionaries who endangered state security were being sent there; how numbers of inmates grew rapidly into the hundreds; how they were being set to work; and how lurid atrocity stories of what went on inside were incorrect.  The fact that people were publicly warned in the press not to try and peer into the camp, and would be shot if they tried to climb the walls, only served to increase the general fear and apprehension that these stories must have spread.  What happened in the camps was a nameless horror that was all the more potent because its reality could only be guessed at from the broken bodies and spirits of inmates when they were released.  There could be few more frightening indications of what would happen to people who engaged in political opposition or expressed political dissent, or, by 1938 – 9, deviated from the norms of behaviour to which the citizen of the Third  Reich was supposed to adhere. 

Well, that kind of evil madness could only happen in a totalitarian state like Hitler’s Germany or Stalin’s USSR, could it not?  No.  It is happening here.  The Australian Border Force Act 2015 is presumably part of what Tony Abbott calls his legacy.  S 42 provides for secrecy in terms that Stalin and Hitler would have gazed on in wonder.

Secrecy

             (1)  A person commits an offence if:

                     (a)  the person is, or has been, an entrusted person; and

                     (b)  the person makes a record of, or discloses, information; and

                     (c)  the information is protected information.

Penalty:  Imprisonment for 2 years.

Exception

             (2)  Subsection (1) does not apply if:

                     (a)  the making of the record or disclosure is authorised by section 43, 44, 45, 47, 48 or 49; or

                     (b)  the making of the record or disclosure is in the course of the person’s employment or service as an entrusted person; or

                     (c)  the making of the record or disclosure is required or authorised by or under a law of the Commonwealth, a State or a Territory; or

                     (d)  the making of the record or disclosure is required by an order or direction of a court or tribunal.

Note:          A defendant bears an evidential burden in relation to a matter in subsection (2) (see subsection 13.3(3) of the Criminal Code).

The relevant terms are of course defined in cascading rainbows or snow jobs, but doing the best I can to apply this law – which like most contemporary legislation is just about indecipherable – a person employed in one of our offshore camps would breach this law if she told her husband that a colleague at work had broken wind after biting into a bad mandarin.

This law is a confession of our shame at the highest and most formal level.  No wonder people look on us so darkly in Europe.  We should all be ashamed.  Instead, we just shoot the messenger.

Poet of the Month: Verlaine

Through Interminable Land…

Through interminable land

Ennui of the plain,

Vague snow once again

Gleams like sand.

The sky is copper

Devoid of any light,

You might almost gather

The moon had lived and died.

Floating clouds

Grey oak-trees lift

In near-by woods

Among the mists.

The sky is copper

Devoid of any light,

You might almost gather

The moon had lived and died.

Wheezing crow

You gaunt wolves too,

When north winds blow

How do you do?

Through interminable land

Ennui of the plain,

Vague snow once again

Gleams like sand.

Passing bull 51 – Addition

 

Since John Howard says that he was right in 2003, perhaps I might be forgiven for making the same claim.  In a note about Howard in 2003, I said the following.

Take foreign policy.  I was balloted out of Vietnam.  I did not go.  Nor did any member of this Government go.  Although I did not go, I learned a big lesson about believing my government or following someone else’s.  I did not think that at least one of those lessons would be forgotten, but it apparently has been.  We have gone back to fighting the wars of our master.  How many of its young does a nation have to lose before its government learns? Mr. Howard is ready to follow the U S in a war that will demonstrate to the Muslim world that the U S can mount a unilateral crusade in the name of God against a Muslim state to overturn its government and to Asia that we are the sheep-dog of the U S, and a very well disciplined one at that. How would we like it if a Muslim nation unilaterally started a war to change the government of a Christian nation or the Jewish nation? We might be leaving a legacy of poison that outlives my grandchildren. That is our best result even if every man Mr. Howard sends comes back and all because of the felt need of Mr. Howard to fawn on someone who has been too much fawned upon already.  As for our posturing of military or diplomatic significance, I am reminded of the local paper in Launceston which, in the 1850s, shortly before the Crimean war, said at the start of its editorial, “This newspaper warns the Czar of Russia.”

I append, for those who are interested, the whole note.  It does show, I think, why our faith in our politicians has ebbed away so much.

JOHN WINSTON HOWARD

In his last speech to the House of Commons, Winston Churchill wondered what would happen “if God wearied of mankind.” In responding to the extracts of the Quadrant paper published in The Australian of 10 January 2003 (“All Hail the Unlikely Savior”) by my friend Peter Ryan, I want to suggest that the answer is that if God had wearied of mankind, God would have given John Winston Howard to Australia. In my view, Mr. Howard was given to Australia to bring out the worst in Australians, and he is at his heart’s ease when he is doing just that.

Take our refusal to apologise to the aborigines.  There is, apparently, some debate in this country about the level or incidence of genocide (as there is in Turkey and Israel about the mass deaths of Armenians). Personally I prefer the evidence of the aborigines not to mention the circumstantial evidence to the advocacy of the Europeans. But some things are clear. The aborigines did not invite the Europeans to take over the country. The Europeans did so. As a result, countless aborigines died and their people are immeasurably worse off, at least in their eyes. If a gentlemen’s club found itself in a similar case, it its present members would apologise. Courtesy would call for nothing else.

But it goes further than that for us. Australia as a nation has to accept responsibility for what happened when it was being built. Just as we celebrate the Anzacs at Gallipoli and Bradman at Lords all generations before most living Australians so we have to accept that others of our forebears behaved with revolting inhumanity in dispossessing the aborigines to make possible the development of Australia as we know it.

Australians used to be smug about the racist attitudes that prevailed in Germany and South Africa. We should not be. They are way ahead of us in truth and reconciliation for their racist histories. As Hannah Arendt made clear (on the final page of Eichmann in Jerusalem) it has nothing to do with collective guilt.

“Every government assumes political responsibility for the deeds and misdeeds of its predecessors and every nation for the deeds and misdeeds of the past.”

Since there is no generational statute of limitations for offences against humanity, this is what we expect from the German nation for what Germans of past generations did to another race. It is what others expect from the Australian nation for what Australians of past generations did to another race. Does the Australian government seriously suggest that the Australian survivors of the Burma Road or Changi, or their families, are now out of time to ask for acknowledgment from the government of Japan, the nation in whose name the relevant offences against humanity were committed? Do we say that since the changing of the guard the German nation is home scot free from Auschwitz? Does anyone who does say that at the risk  of being  called  morally insane state our moral claim to possession of the Ashes  in terms of the exploits  of the present generation of Australian cricketers and nothing more?

Why does Mr. Howard insist on being so mean and petty about squaring off with these other Australians?

Take the republic. We are talking about the future now, not the past.  Did the Prime Minister show leadership? Did the Prime Minister show vision? No all we got was mere politicking designed to preserve the status quo. It was in truth a filibuster­ designed to last a lifetime.  Here was an opportunity to reformulate the nation when it and its world had changed completely since we received our current dispensation in a schedule to an act of Queen Victoria and the Imperial Parliament. Instead we have to tell Asia and our other trading partners that we cannot carry on our affairs without intervention from the English royal family.  Our standing in Asia as a colonial relic has been reinstated, and at a time when we are winning back our reputation as racists.  Australian judges, not our most radical group, began cutting loose from the authority of British courts two generations ago. It was part of our growing up.  What is it with this fetish of Mr. Howard with the British?

All this takes place against the most public and tawdry dissolution of the royal family. There is apparently some convention that we should not mix family and political matters. Why not? That is just what a monarchy does. The top job is hereditary.  It stays in the family. This family is no longer up to it. The heir and his chosen queen have shown that they cannot maintain the most basic oath of fidelity and yet people on this side of the world are expected to honour oaths of allegiance to them.  Is this the best that we can leave our children?

Take the flag. I would like my country to have its own.  I have been to Gallipoli, the Somme and Ypres. I have grieved at each. I have grieved not just because of the Australians who died there, but because of the heartlessness and mindlessness of those who caused the carnage for the most part, not Australians.  I would have thought that each of these memorials is a powerful lesson about being too attached to a flag.  No sane person dies for a flag but each of these places is now part of Australia’s heritage. It is natural to carry the flag there. I would rather do so with Australia’s own flag and not one dominated by the flag of the imperial power responsible for these losses en masse. The standing of that power was not increased by the moral failure of Mr. Jardine, the physical failure of Singapore, or the absorption of Great Britain into Europe.

It is one thing to celebrate a history in terms of loss or failure; we love that here; it is altogether a different thing to venerate those responsible, foreigners or not.  To continue to insist on the maintenance of relics is not to respect the fallen but to refuse their gift.  We may proceed on the footing that they died that Australia might live, not that it might be mummified.

There is some irony in our devotion to a flag that is said to reflect our history. Those who are most fervently for the current flag because of its history are often those most fervently against accepting responsibility for other things that happened in that history. In truth, the flag is a political issue and both sides might usefully consider not invoking Australian dead on their side, if for no other reason than that it is vulgar.  In any event, I cannot believe that my father’s father fought in Flanders so that his grandchildren might be subjected to claptrap about saluting the Union Jack.

Take refugees.  None of that “huddled masses” or “wretched refuse” jazz for us.  We are committed to fight them on the beaches.  Churchill sat there with Dad’s Army waiting for the whole might of the Wehrmacht to be unleashed.  We sent our elite SAS to storm a boat full of unarmed Afghans.  People seeking shelter from Australia are offered a choice they can be held in some slophouse of the Pacific eager to turn a coin in this trade in human misery, or we can jail them indefinitely in a concentration camp in the desert.  Try jailing an Australian indefinitely on the mere say-so of a copper or a politician. All this came to a head in an election campaign in which it is now clear that senior members of the Australian government suborned senior officers of the armed forces.  We as a nation have acquired the ethics of the tobacco companies.  First you harm people, then you lie about it, and then you deal with the evidence to put yourself beyond the reach of the judges -the electorate, or the courts, as the case may be – and if the system goes to plan, you have a sporting chance of getting away with it.

Take foreign policy.  I was balloted out of Vietnam.  I did not go.  Nor did any member of this Government go.  Although I did not go, I learned a big lesson about believing my government or following someone else’s.  I did not think that at least one of those lessons would be forgotten, but it apparently has been.  We have gone back to fighting the wars of our master.  How many of its young does a nation have to lose before its government learns? Mr. Howard is ready to follow the US in a war that will demonstrate to the Muslim world that the U S can mount a unilateral crusade in the name of God against a Muslim state to overturn its government and to Asia that we are the sheep-dog of the U S, and a very well disciplined one at that. How would we like it if a Muslim nation unilaterally started a war to change the government of a Christian nation or the Jewish nation? We might be leaving a legacy of poison that outlives my grandchildren. That is our best result even if every man Mr. Howard sends comes back and all because of the felt need of Mr. Howard to fawn on someone who has been too much fawned upon already.  As for our posturing of military or diplomatic significance, I am reminded of the local paper in Launceston which, in the 1850s, shortly before the Crimean war, said at the start of its editorial, “This newspaper warns the Czar of Russia.”

What do these things say about our government?  It is mean.  It has no imagination.  It does not lead.  If there is any vision, it is bleak. I have seen Australian governments arouse serious hostility, but I cannot recall one making so many Australians feel ashamed to be Australian.  A nation that finished the last century trying to get rid of its mean, timid, colonial, white Australia streak, is reinventing itself in the first part of this century: a country not just of the triumph, but the triumphalism of mediocrity.  While this is the antithesis of the conservatism of Disraeli or Churchill, a comparison with other conservatives may be misleading and unfair. Disraeli had to deal with Bismarck; Churchill had to deal with Hitler and Stalin; Mr. Howard has to deal, on a daily basis, with Gary Morgan, John Laws, and Jana Wendt.  Not for us “those broad sunlit uplands”; we have to stick with the irredeemably prosaic.

Two appointments show a personal animus of Mr. Howard behind these flaws.  The Archbishop of the Church of England not the Church of Thailand or the Church of Iran; one does not play those chaps at cricket – was appointed Governor-General when it was apparent that there were likely to be problems. Trouble did follow the Archbishop to the detriment of the office of Governor-General. He is, however, still there, although irrelevant and an embarrassment to everyone. Mr. Howard has remained obdurate. We have gone from a man who could unite the nation, and who was respected, to one who reminds many of its cruelest moments, and who is not trusted.

Take the appointment of the successor to Justice Gaudron. It would not have taken much to have made an appointment that would not have told half the country that they are not up to it.  No, Justice Heydon was appointed with the ludicrous statement that the appointment was apolitical.  Of course it was political. The government wanted a dead-set conservative it thought it could rely on. (It was presumably this ideology that underlay the gruesome kamikaze attack on “the gadfly” (Justice Kirby) by Mr. Howard’s friend.)  Extensive interviews were conducted to ensure compatibility.  Justice Heydon revealed his thinking on the High Court in what might fairly be described as a polemic.  It is apparently to be published in Quadrant.  Peter Ryan, also  a contributor to Quadrant, is well pleased that “that august tribunal will finally resume its former status of universal esteem” (unless, I suppose, the person forming the estimation is a woman, or an admirer of Justice Gaudron, or had views about income  tax becoming optional under the Barwick court).  Heaven knows the country needs a respectable intelligentsia of the right, but an appointment to the High Court of a conservative lawyer by a conservative government is hardly a seemly occasion for a congratulatory confraternity of contributors to Quadrant.  Just think what the stink would have been like if a couple of the true believers had got one of their own up, and had skited about it in one of their journals. (Who could forget the reaction at the Melbourne Bar when the late Justice Murphy was appointed?  Some wanted to cancel courtesy and boycott the welcome, at a time when the Court was wilfully distorting the law to suit the supporters of the parties that had appointed every other member of the Court.)  In the end, we have lost an Australian success story for the drab uniformity of seven pin-striped eggheads.  This was indeed a signature appointment by Mr. Howard.

Can’t say sorry to the aborigines.  Can’t say goodbye to the British.  Can’t say no to the Americans. A hemisphere out of place; a century out of date; and not a principle to be seen. The spiritual heir of the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, Mr. Howard, is a relic lost among the cobwebs of the colony he cannot escape from. 

Do these attitudes of the Prime Minister have something in common? There is the visceral insecurity of the kind you associate with a serial loser.  There is obviously a belief that Australia as a nation cannot stand on its own two feet – it is not grown up yet.  We have in this Prime Minister a natural retardant.  More worryingly, there is a distrust of the ordinary Australian which has for too long been the inarticulate premise of what passes for the conservative side of politics in this country. As a result, while there is not much on the left, there is even less on the right.  We have arrived at bleakness visible, and at least one generation of Australians is about ready to give up.

Remembrance of Things Past – and not Past

 

As I follow it (from Prehistory by Colin Renfrew, or Professor Lord Renfrew), the current thinking of historians and scientists is that human evolution from the apes became complete about 200,000 years ago in Africa and that the main dispersal of humanity out of Africa took place about 60,000 years ago. All of us human beings are ultimately descended not from Adam and Eve but from our African ancestors in or about the area that we now call Ethiopia who were living about 200,000 years ago. They in turn had evolved over a much longer period of millions of years from the apes.

Human beings arrived in Europe and Australia about 40,000 years ago – well after they had reached the Middle East.

Any physical differences between peoples – if you must, racial or ethnic groups – follow after the dispersal from Africa. They are not genetic – they are socially or culturally induced. A child born today would be very little different in its DNA from one born, say, 60,000 years ago.  There is no reason why they could not do as well as our kids with the same upbringing.

The two big events in moving away from the Stone Age were the development of agriculture and the formation of towns. These in turn led to gods, writing, and laws. They also led to inequality. Religions tended to sanctify central power – the pharaoh, emperor or king had a divinely ordered status. Historians think that they can now trace phases of the development of the mind that ultimately became human over millions of years. Those phases bear some resemblance to the phases of legal development that our ancestors went through that were identified by Sir Henry Maine in his book Ancient Law.

Lord Renfrew makes a comment that does not surprise us.  ‘The key to inequality lies in worldly goods…..the adoption of a money economy marked the end of prehistory in so many parts of the world that we could take it as the best indicator of the dawn of history.’

Some landmarks may help with scale.  Our predecessors used a form of hand-axe before they had become what we would call human. The first jewellery and decoration appears to come from South Africa about 75,000 years ago. There are bone flutes and drawings of lions in France that are about 32,000 years old. Some of our Aboriginal rock art is at least 28,000 years old. There is a sculpted stone in Turkey that is about 11,000 years old. There are traces of permanent settlement around Jericho going back to about 9000 BC – we trace what we call the ‘agricultural revolution’ to that period. The idea that gold had some value emerged in Bulgaria around 4500 BC. Stonehenge was created between 3000 and 2000 BC and represents about 30 million work hours. Moses was born about 1400 BC. Coins were first introduced in Turkey after 1000 BC.

What we see as civilisation started in Athens in the fifth century BC. It took us more than 2000 years after that to establish that the earth was not the centre of the universe.  A lot of people who believed in Aristotle or God were horrified – much as they would later be horrified by Darwin.

If the Genesis account were applied to our creation, the earth was created not millions of years ago, but about 6000 years ago, and mankind was created, full-blown, at the same time. Science has proved that to be impossible.

If this account is correct, all human beings come from the one common stock, and any differences that some may wish to characterise as ethnic or racial are not genetic. They have come about because people have lived different lives. My humanity is the same as the humanity of the blackfella. Any differences between us come only from the way in which our ancestors have lived.

I find that view to be immensely comforting. It puts a big dent in the views of those who want to say that people are intrinsically different. At least genetically, all humans are born equal.

All this makes it hard for us humans to be sanely racist. It makes it hard for God, too.

In the last century and a half or so, we have made big discoveries in the way that we see ourselves and the universe. I regard all those discoveries as being neutral on the question of whether God exists.  God is no more or less of a mystery to me than the Big Bang, or our evolution from the apes over millions of years, or a universe that goes for millions of light years.  We can put all those terms into grammatically correct and apparently logically sound sentences, but in the end we have no real idea what is entailed by these ungovernable notions.

But the discoveries and proofs of mankind are not neutral on the history of any such God that we may choose to believe in. We now know that God could not have done what the Bible says that he did. And we now know that the people that the Bible says that he chose to make a covenant with did not have the history – that is, they were not the people – that the Bible says that they had; they were not the people that the Bible said they were.  They had come out of Africa, and down not from Adam and Eve, just over the hill, and not so long ago, and with a traceable ancestry.

You would not want to go to a bank and ask for money on the basis of a security whose title rested on a covenant given by a God that did not exist to a people that did not exist.  Or at least where the root of title of your documentary security seriously misrepresented the parties to the relevant covenant and was out of whack in its historical timing to the tune of 200,000 years or so.

Lord Renfrew quotes from a distinguished anthropologist who wanted to give a definition of religion that avoided any mention of the supernatural. He came up with this definition: ‘a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating concepts of a general order of existence and clothing these concepts were such an aura of flexibility that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic.’ As the learned author remarks, a frivolous reader could see in this definition not so much a description of ‘religion’ as ‘of another powerful and ubiquitous presence in our society,’ that is, money.  Our movement from the apes has in truth had its ups and downs.

There is probably enough there for some people to digest without passing on the suggestion that our evolution from the apes was finally induced by climate change in the Great Rift Valley in Ethiopia.  That might be the last straw for some of our Republican brothers and sisters over the Pacific, or for readers of The Australian Spectator.

Speaking of remembering times past, I wish you a happy new year, although I am myself coming to prefer the Chinese model.

Happy Christmas to all those crooks out there

 

People at FIFA could not spell the word ethics.  They have suspended two high ranking officers for eight years for a ‘disloyal transaction’ where one paid millions to the other.  I gather that ‘disloyal’ means dishonest or a payment made in breach of trust in or breach of fiduciary duty.  That is, money from a fund was not applied properly for the purposes of the fund, but to suit the private interests of the parties.  The function of an ethics committee is to police ethical standards to protect members and the public.  Once a finding of dishonesty at that level in the hierarchy and in that amount of money is made, the only possible remedy is life bans.

The question is: can these people be trusted in their office after this finding of dishonesty against them?  The answer is obviously no.  And it obviously will not become yes after a holiday, even a long one.  This committee has misconceived its function completely.  You can tell that by the fines, which presuppose that these people have been enriching themselves mercilessly, but which for these people represent a parking ticket.

And why are not these crooks being prosecuted by the law for the dishonest use of the money of others?  Even on their hilarious version, they would get life bans here from acting as directors of public companies.

We are in no position to smirk.  There was an unhealthy difference of opinion at Westpac when the company agreed to ‘treat’ accounting procedures in a way that financially benefited directors – there was great unhappiness among shareholders.  Accounting issues in the debt of Glencore may have led to a valuation of its worth being bloated by billions of dollars.  Innocent investors may have been wiped out by misstatements.  Worrying disclosures are now being made about the extent to which spoiled egomaniacs posturing as sponsors of charity are just lining their pockets and boosting their egos while quietly burying their consciences.  Now we see the market worth of the business of law firm that went public going through the floor over arguments over the real worth of a major acquisition – although, it is a little hard to feel too sorry for investors who put such a huge valuation on the business of a law firm that made its name from acting for people who could not afford to pay lawyers.

It is worrying when accountants say they will ‘treat’ a transaction in a different way.  This is especially so if you can only change the label you apply, or the box you put a transaction into, if the facts are different.  There are problems in saying that cat is a dog, or that a transaction that we said occurred on 1 July, did in fact occur on 30 June.  If you make a false statement for material gain, you are in the territory of the crime called theft.  It is like American politicians saying that they ‘miss-spoke’: they are either lying now or they were lying before.

It is time that the law caught up with people who flirt with the truth and ruin others.  In parts of this country, we throw blackfellas into jail for the equivalent of stealing loaf of bread because it is their third offence.  We do not see people going to jail for allowing their greed to give us the Global Financial Crisis or by filling their own pockets while misleading shareholders.  I am very far from saying that such a comment applies to any of the corporate examples that I have referred to above, but it would certainly apply to the officers of FIFA, and I have no doubt many shifty corporate operators here.

Speaking as a taxpayer, I would be happy to put quite a few such crooks up at my and the public’s expense for a number of Christmases.  Such a course would be good for moral at large and help a lot of people to a happier Christmas.

Religious extremism

 

According to the Fairfax press, a firebomb attack in a village on the West Bank in July this year is thought to have been carried out by people described as ‘ nationalist far–right extremists’.  A group of people known as ‘The Revolt’ are intent on creating a Jewish kingdom.  According to Shlomo Fischer of the Jewish People Policy Institute, these people believe that they are acting on the ‘voice of God’. Their goals are to ‘create chaos and undermine the ability of the government to rule and set up a revolutionary redemptive state.  They want to replace the current State of Israel with something else – their main animosity, just like al-Qaeda directing their animosity to the non -jihadist Muslim regimes, is against the government of Israel. They are aware of the fact that they will be treated with kid gloves because they are Jewish – that has been the precedent until now.’

This far-right group sees the existence of this new state as an integral part of redemption, which is said to relate to the liberation of Jews from exile. There is another body call Hilltop Youth.  It shares these views and regards the ‘disengagement’ by the Sharon government in 2005 from the Gaza Strip as a huge blow. For them, the disengagement involved the state turning its back on the redemption process and many settlers thought that they had to work harder to continue the fight. The Hilltop Youth says that the redemption will happen even if the State of Israel is not there.

A party associated with the peace movement in the area said: ‘the settlements are based on discrimination – the fact that you raise children a place where you as an Israeli Jew have rights and Palestinians do not have rights and are instead living under military law; this raises people to believe that they are more than the others.’

The same article says that two members of this far right group of religious extremists have been arrested and subjected to detention under laws passed to deal with terrorists. One of these is a dual Australian Israeli citizen named Evyatar Slonim.  It is said that Israel holds hundreds of Palestinians in administrative detention under these laws. The parents of Slonim said that they were absolutely horrified that in a democratic country their son has been imprisoned without a trial.  Slonim’s lawyer said that Israeli intelligence authorities have taken the gloves off since the July attack.  The lawyer gets paid, according to Fairfax, by a ‘right-wing legal centre.’

These terrorists commonly use a calling card with fire-bombs thrown into homes with people in them.  The July raid killed three.  The word ‘Revenge’ appeared with the Star of David.  According to a manifesto of The Revolt, ‘burning tyres can be placed at the entrance of the house to remove the possibility of escape.’

This sort of terrorism is a mix of madness and evil, of religion and nationalism.  It is light years away from the evil of IS.  But although Israelis as a whole utterly reject this evil, they do not as a whole or as a nation utterly reject the continuing settlements.  And the problem is that those settlements draw on the same scripture as the do the terrorists.  Is it possible to have any peace in the Middle East if the settlement issue is not resolved?

People who do not have God – such as me – get sceptical, to put it softly, when people of one God take it on themselves to tell people of another God how to manage their affairs or what kind of reformation or enlightenment that they should undertake.  It gets even worse when you have a complete idiot, like Tony Abbott, boasting that his culture under his God is superior to that of others who follow a lesser God.

We might be just as sceptical about people of one God telling people of another God to keep God out of politics if we recall that God is in politics in the State of Israel up to his neck – spiritually, morally, and geographically.  And we might also recall that the promise in the Israel Declaration of Independence of ‘complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants irrespective of religion race or sex’ holds about as much water as the promise of equality in another Declaration of Independence at the same point in its history.  Sweet Fanny Adams.

Finally, people here worry that the debate about religious extremism here is being stifled.  I have a lot of sympathy with that view.  If you seek to debate the actions of the State of Israel here, you very quickly get spoken to firmly – not by the Jewish community, but by our far right.

Religious extremism is unsettling anywhere and everywhere.  Those who have God think that some believers are not as odd as others; for the unbelievers, they are all much of a muchness.  Infighting between believers is unedifying.  I am yet to meet a person who says that their brand of God is inferior to that of others.  I am yet to meet a person who concedes that other Gods may even be equal to theirs.  I don’t think they are allowed to say anything like that.  They know that most must be wrong but say that they are the only ones who have it right.  None of them is spotless and all are forms of extremism.  .  It is enough to put you off religion full stop.

Deciding Cases

 

Reflections on some facts of forensic life for those who hear and decide cases by a lawyer who has been hearing cases for thirty years and fighting them for nearly fifty years.

1

Job description

People are in conflict and need help.  Your job is to help them by resolving the conflict.  To do so, you will have to take authority over them by making decisions that bind them by the force of the law and the power of government.  The sooner you do this, the better – for you and for them.

If any of that sounds odd or makes you queasy, you should not be in this job.  Nor can it worry you that in most cases you will have to make decisions that can hurt people badly, and affect how they live.  All that comes with the job, and if you don’t like it, don’t hang on to the job.  (If you positively enjoy that part of the job, you may have a worse problem at the other end.)

It is not your job: to preen yourself or to ,to bung on side; to save your face or to seek to save your job; to seek to immunise yourself from review or appeal; to worry about either – at least if the worrying affects your ability to do your job; to seek to leave a legacy, or to build a monument to juristic science or literary grace; to boost your promotion prospects; to decline to carry your weight as a member of the team, by, say pleading the pressure of work in reserved judgments, or by knocking off early to play golf or pick up the kids from school; to grizzle about your workload or the miserliness of government – people are sick of all that buck-passing in politicians; to insist on doing one job, such as mediation, when you have been appointed to do another; to flaunt your power or to show your unease at its extent; to get snooty with those lower on the hierarchy or to get prickly with those who are higher; to mask any actual or felt shortcomings with pomp or ceremony or literary affectation; to be rude or overbearing; to fail to hold in check the prejudices that all flesh is heir to; to come to a decision based on your personal needs or wishes, or before giving a fair hearing to each side; to close your mind to further inquiry too soon, or, perhaps, at all; to forget that in our adversary system, the running should be left in the main to the parties and their lawyers – you are not an MC at a wedding, and you should intervene sparingly and reluctantly, and generally forebear from attempting wit (a besetting vice of mine); to forget that you are a servant of the people and not their master – even if your job gives you authority over some of them now and then; or to forget the wisdom of the maxim that the most important person in the courtroom is the loser.

Generally speaking, at least one party has to lose, and it is the judgment of this party on your handling of the case that you should look to – the winner commonly thinks that you are the greatest thing since King Solomon, ‘a second Daniel,’ as Rumpole exultantly intoned when the Old Bull got one right one day.

2

Qualifications

You should have the sense of vocation, learning, training, and hard experience with the law and people and the courts in action that will qualify you to do this job.

Hopefully, the sense of vocation is what got you into the law in the first place, and has not been entirely dimmed by the ups and downs of practice, the many bad falls and hits on the way, or by the tribute exacted by the tax man or the bank manager while you try to keep them in place while you put food on your table.

After you have learned the alphabet at university, how do you go about getting the training and hard experience to practise it at the bar or the bench?  On the job.  In any profession – perhaps in any human undertaking – teaching and book learning can only take you so far.  The know-how that is applied in, say, cross-examining a witness, or deciding whether to cross-examine or to call a witness at all, only comes with practice, which here equals experience.  Say fifteen to twenty years.

In the course of that time, you will have watched judges do your job, and you will have learned from them.  You will learn from the whole range of them – from those who are so sure and safe that you could never hope to emulate them, to those who are so awful that you are determined to free the world of their like.  In the course of your practice, you not only learn the hard way about fighting cases – you learn the techniques of hearing and deciding them, and with luck, you get to learn from the best, as well as the worst.  You would certainly lack finish if you had only run into one kind and not all kinds.

There are two important strands to the education in the judicial college known as the bar.  One is the sense that all litigation is a form of lottery – you can never know what might happen.  Over time lawyers get a sense of the ‘merits’ of the case, but there is no guarantee that that sense will be shared by the judge or jury or the script-writer that we call Providence.  The other is that if you start at the bottom and work up, you will be exposed to our community in all its colour, and layers, and you will have learned how to talk to all kinds of people and to try to break down the sense of mystery at one end and distrust at the other.

You will simply be unable to do any of this if you come from a more precious or sheltered background.  You may not even know how silly it is to ask a former judge who has never been a trial judge to conduct a judicial inquiry into the affairs of trade unions when his Honour may not have met one trade unionist in his whole life.  You may as well ask the President of the ACTU to compile a dossier on etiquette for the Melbourne Club.

What I am saying is I think reflected in what Churchill said about a P M who never fought an election, the Earl of Roseberry.

Whatever one may think about democratic government, it is just as well to have practical experience of its rough and slatternly foundations.  No part of the education of a politician is more indispensable than the fighting of elections.  Here you come in contact with all sorts of persons and every current of national life.  You feel the Constitution at work in its primary processes.  Dignity may suffer, the superfine gloss is soon worn away; nice particularisms and special private policies are scraped off; much has to be accepted with a shrug, a sigh or a smile; but any rate in the end one knows a good deal about what happens and why.

You can tell judges who have not been roughed up enough.  They are out of their depth or all at sea, depending on your maritime preferences.  Bad judges have narrow minds, often because they have not lived enough outside their own world.  You can see it on the faces of some of them, or hear it when they open their mouth.  Or when they look down on you as they bow.

3

The nature of the court

Being a judge is different to being a legislator (although at some levels a ruling or decision may have a similar effect), or conducting a government inquiry, like a Royal Commission.

Our system is not inquisitorial.  It is adversarial.  Subject to questions about who bears the onus of proof, and what the standard of proof is, the judges listen to the evidence and the arguments and rule in favour of the case they prefer.  They are not generally purporting to record what happened as a matter of historical fact, but which side’s case seems more likely.  On questions of fact in a civil case, anything better than 50/50 is enough.  In the early ‘70’s, a magistrate named Bob Maloney when hearing crash and bash cases – motor car accidents –would at the conclusion of the evidence look at one counsel and say ‘on balance, I think his version might be just a bit more probable than yours – can you work out the appropriate orders?’  I wondered then, and now, whether any reasoning that was more evolved would be any more than window-dressing.

The legal historian, F W Maitland, put it this way:

The behaviour which is expected of a judge in different ages and by different systems of law seems to fluctuate between two poles.  At one of these, the model is the conduct of the man of science who is making researches in his laboratory and will use all appropriate methods for the solution of problems and the discovery of truth.  At the other stands the umpire of our English games, who is there, not in order that he may invent tests for the powers of the two sides, but simply to see that the rules of the game are observed.  It is towards the second of these ideals that our English medieval procedure is strongly inclined.  We are often reminded of the cricket match.  The judges sit in court, not in order that they may discover the truth, but in order that they may answer the question ‘How’s that?’…..But even in a criminal cause, even when the King is prosecuting, the English judge will, if he can, play the umpire rather than the inquisitor’.

Nor need you be put off by the fact that Maitland was talking of the Middle Ages – the 14th century in fact – because the model still holds good.

It follows that an active participant in the fight at the bar has to make a transition to a passive participant watching the action from the bench.  This transition does not look as simple as it did two generations ago.  You do not see the same readiness to suppress the ego, and just watch the system take its course, but you do see judges now being more ready to lay down the law and impose their will than used to be the case.  Somehow the unwritten fall-back that less is better got left behind, and we can now see some wunderkind bent on arriving at their chosen peak with a quite unembarrassed show of ambition.  We see silks becoming human rights lawyers and judges trailing ideological capes with a view to promotion.  These generalisations are of course large, but life at the bar is now a lot more commercial and driven than it was fifty years ago, and the difference is washing over on to the bench.

4

Our reputation for being slow

When Hamlet was thinking of suicide, one problem of the world that crossed his mind was ‘the law’s delay.’  (Others included ‘the proud man’s contumely’ and ‘the insolence of office’.)  The law rarely shakes off its reputation for being too slow.  The faster you go, the more likely you are to get it wrong – but you can say the same about being slow.  If a case takes too long, there are too many ways in which a fair trial may be imperilled – and it is not often the party with the merits but without the means that wants or causes delay.  Delay tends to suit the wealthy.

Delay in litigation may come about in at least three ways.  There may be a delay between the start of the action and its hearing, either because there are not enough judges and the waiting list is too long, or because the court or the parties want to talk about process before getting down to substance – the trial.

Another source of delay is the hearing itself.  A simple crash and bash, one on one, would take under an hour when I started doing them.  A simple maintenance case, wife against husband, would take about the same.  But the impression that you get now is that a commercial or defamation case that fifty years ago would have taken two or three days, may now take two or three weeks.

The third kind of delay comes about because some judges do not feel able to give a decision on the spot.  They wish to take time to reflect and to prepare a written decision.  This can take days, weeks, months or longer, and drive people to despair   (I heard a difficult tax case that involved accounting issues, legal issues, and hand-to-hand lying.  It went on appeal to a single judge of the Supreme Court who had to conduct his own hearing.  The family of the principal rang me from time to time asking when the judge would opine.  He kept them waiting for two years.  It was very cruel.  Among other things, there were issues of credit.  In that time, the principal died, and the High Court changed the law, and the presumption of a fair trial had gone clean out the window.)

By and large, the judges can deal with the first cause of delay in getting the case on.  They might say that the government is not paying enough judges, but the public does not accept that slipperiness.  They have hardly begun to try to control the length of the hearing, and there are wild variations in the time taken to deliver judgment – and too great an unreadiness to give one on the spot.

Possibly the most famous clause of the Great Charter of liberties given 800 years ago says, in English translation, ‘To none will we sell, to none will we deny or delay right or justice.’  People know the meaning of the phrase that justice delayed is justice denied.  Not many people believe that the great promise of Magna Carta has been kept.  People going to court do not want to add their wealth or their bones to some glorious juristic edifice – they just want to be put out of their misery and to get on with their lives.

5

Getting the case on

Let us look at the first area of delay – the time between the start of the action, by say the issuing and serving of a writ, and the start of the hearing or trial.

When I started fighting cases in 1971, mostly before Magistrates or even Justices of the Peace, most criminal cases were like most civil cases.  You got the charge sheet or the summons, or the complaint for a motor car accident case or maintenance, that told you next to nothing – except where and when you were to turn up to fight it.  There was nothing remotely like pleadings on either side, and no mention before or direction from the court.  You knew what the informant or complainant wanted, and you turned up at 9.30 to get your customer’s version, and then sit around praying that you would not sit there all day, and have to drive back into town from, say Frankston, after 4 pm, without one cent of the promised $20 brief fee in your pocket, and complaining, even more loudly than the punter, about the ineptness of your colleagues whose unconstrained dilatoriness had stopped you getting on.  You may even have wondered why the courts do not watch counsel more closely and do more to ensure that cases were dealt with quickly and sensibly.  Both you and the parties are bemused by the other-worldly sense that time has stood still.  There is nothing like a shut-out to prompt anxious reflection about forensic efficiency.

In the tribunals I have run over the last thirty years, I have, after getting rid of the back-list, and after giving the cowboys a chance to look at the new sheriff, sought to follow that old Magistrates’ Court model.  I have described the procedure of my tax tribunal that ran for eighteen years as follows:

There are none of the trappings of civil procedure in a court.  I dispensed with directions hearings.  The parties were assured that the Tribunal would try to get rid of every matter referred to within six weeks.  We usually did.  Generally when a matter was referred, it was given a hearing date about four weeks away.  The hearing was generally concluded in the morning and the parties got a decision that day or the next.  Doubtless the Commercial Lists of the superior Court are dealing with much more sophisticated matters that have to take a much longer time, but I have the clearest view that if people want a fight, the best thing for us to do is provide an arena with a referee, and let the best team win.  Witness statements were out; adjournments were never in.  We should not tell them how to run a case, but we can put firm time limits on.  We frequently dealt with cases in a morning which I had been assured would take days.  After a while, I learned not to allow a case to go beyond lunch.  Never give a barrister a second chance.

I have had a lot of trouble implementing the same ‘half-day all-over in six weeks’ regime in a disciplinary tribunal, because it seems to attract lawyers with different notions of relevance and no regard at all for time, and both sides appearing to have a lot of money behind them.  On one occasion, I asked the kind of procedural question that police prosecutors deal with routinely; counsel said they needed to get instructions; they then said they need a short adjournment; six lawyers then left the room; in a case that could and should have been dealt with as a plea in twenty minutes.  The erosion of public money was frightening.

There were difficulties in the summary form of process in the tax tribunal because commonly the real issue only became clear during the hearing.  There had been an assessment, an objection, and a decision on that objection.  Regrettably, both sides tended to load up the barrel with anodyne catch-alls, and I would occasionally ask Counsel for the Crown whether in the course of their argument they might make some passing reference to the terms of the decision that they had been briefed to defend – if only for auld lang syne. 

But this is very common, is it not, even in courts of pleadings?  And although we liked to get through cases in half a day, after we lost those massive cases about petrol and tobacco ‘taxes’ when the High Court rubbed them out, there was hardly any case that did not involve tricky issues of law and fact.  The Crown appealed as of right and almost as of course if it lost before me.  It usually appealed if it lost before a single judge, when the case went to the Full Court or the Court of Appeal.  Three cases made it to the High Court.  For the trivia night, each of the two most recent appointees to the High Court appeared before my tax tribunal on their own, before taking silk, as counsel for the successful taxpayer – and one of those cases went to the High Court.

In any event, I commend the in-and-out-in-six-weeks model to others.  I have had a lot of complaints and rolled eyeballs and a few writs from lawyers, but I cannot recall any complaints from the punters – at least those who had a reasonable case.

6

Court control or management

Fifty years ago, there were basically two models for civil litigation.  There was the one I have just described where young barristers got instruction in the facts of life, and not just forensic life, by doing police offences and minor crime, crash and bash, matrimonial and fencing and building (‘work and labour done’) cases; consumer law had not been heard of and people turned their noses up at debt collecting – we still had legislation for the imprisonment of fraudulent debtors.  Both civil and criminal cases were dealt with summarily – and that was not a pejorative term.

The other model was the one that we inherited from the English.  The parties seek to define the issues they want the court to decide by exchanging what are called pleadings.  They then seek to find out (to discover) what documents each has that may bear on the dispute.  They could then serve written questions called interrogatories on the other side that had to be answered on oath.  Then when they had done all that, which might take a year or two, they would sign a document saying that they were ready to go.  They would be put in a list of cases ready for hearing, and after say six months they would get a date when they would turn up and hope to get a judge who could give them a start – after grilling them about why they hadn’t settled.  If there were any procedural issues on the way – about pleadings, discovery, or interrogation – the party aggrieved would raise this with an officer of the court and get a ruling.  These rulings were expensive – as was everything else.

The disadvantages of the system that did not operate summarily are obvious.  It has delay written all over it.  There was a vast amount of case law and learning, and lore, about pleadings and discovery – far, far more law than we have for the law of negligence or contract.  And it was as arcane as it was large – a precious tool was a 1948 English text called the White Book.  The learning about specially endorsed writs and summary judgment was notoriously abstruse – and utterly without consequence for the punters.  Young barristers would get out of the summary cases to do these applications, and the associated paper work, for, say, the second five year period of their apprenticeship, and with some trials in the County Court, this work would get them ready for the big stage.  As an educational process for the bar, this was all terrific – but like all our process and all our case law, it was built on the bones of dead litigants, and so much of it had the foetid air described by Charles Dickens.

So, a little more than thirty years ago, the judges started to take from the parties the role of bringing problems to the attention of the court, and began to assume responsibility for managing the business in their own list or docket by giving directions for each step up to the listing for trial.  This model is now much used.  It stops cases going into oblivion, which is not always a good thing, but it does look to have been a bonanza for the lawyers.  They have a lot more work to do.  The focus on managing the preparation of the case for hearing has not been matched by an increase in the control of the process in the hearing itself.  So far as I know, we do not keep records of the average times of waiting to get on or of the duration of the hearing itself, but experience does not support the view that building up documentation will shorten the hearing – the contrary is the case.

The idea that the judge, rather than the parties, dictates the terms of process, suggests a movement from the adversarial to the inquisitorial model.  If you use the word ‘dossier’ for ‘docket’, you can follow the change.  It is still the parties that put in what goes into the docket, but they are doing so in response to a direction from the judge.  As a result, the judges spend a lot more time down in the arena than they used to.

People have different views on this – I think it is unfortunate.  There is something to be said for the old view that good judges are like good children – they should be seen and not heard – and if judges are now responsible for managing their load to at least try to honour Magna Carta, they will have to accept responsibility for when the system goes off the rails – which it often does.

7

Stating the case

Pleadings were not used in the old days in the two lower courts – the person starting might put something like a pleading in the starting document, and the defendant would be called on to state their defence orally at the start.  Even in the Supreme Court, simple cases, say for goods sold and delivered, could be started with a formulaic common count.

The system of pleadings used in the Supreme Court, and the federal courts hearing civil actions, derived from the English.  Their history goes back to the medieval Year Books when what we know as the common law started with arguments about the nature of the claims that might be asserted in different kinds of writ.  The system was developed to enable juries to give a yes or no answer to the issue that arose or to allow the court to rule as a matter of law on the adequacy of an allegation or response.

They developed into a subtle art form that too few could master.  That subtlety was used in some areas, most notably libel, for poorer litigants to get beaten up with.  Requests for more detail could be ludicrously oppressive.  Too many games were played for too little result.

As we apply the system, it has been flawed by at least one error.  You are to state the material facts – ‘he hit me’, ‘he promised to paint the timber and the brick’, or ‘he told my boss I was a thief.’  But then the system allowed for a second category of allegation.  When you went into detail, this kind of allegation was called ‘particulars’.  Sadly, the way the system grew up, it was only then that the other side knew what they had to deal with.  But the rules said that you do not plead to particulars.  So the parties wind up like tourists in taxis going round and round in circles on the Place de la Concorde, or like passengers in a taxi in New York where you and the driver are seeing the city for the first time..

Another problem was that you were supposed to be frank in responding – ‘I did not borrow $10, but I did borrow $5’; ‘I did not say he was a thief, but I did say that the Police suspected him of it’ became ‘I did not borrow $10, or any other amount’ and ‘I did not say he was a thief or make any other statement to a similar effect.’

Then came the glitzy supercharged models with preposterous definitions in bold and the scattergun that is the last resort of the timid or the desperate, and the system could go clean of the rails.  I will look later at a truly pathological example, and at the highest level, of how we can get pleadings so wrong.

For myself, I wold like to see someone trial a system where each side sets out every allegation that it relies on to claim the orders it says the court should make, and we will see you there on the day – and if you choose to make life hard for either us or them, it might go badly for you.  Each side should set out its version of events, and the legal consequences.  That is how the argument will end, and there is something to be said for starting it that way.

Some people like to get someone on oath at the start.  Corporations or the like put up people who will not be called, but I have misgivings about imperilling immortal souls on what might be little more than moves in chess.  If someone says ‘this is my story’, and then changes their story, they should have to live with what usually follows in other contexts – the possible collapse of their credit and their case.  One of the failures of the current regime is that it is so technical, lawyerly, and contrived that most trimmers get away with it too easily.

Immanuel Kant was a great figure in the Enlightenment and he had a mind of prodigious output.  His Critique of Pure Reason might be the most dense and abstruse book ever written.  Years after it had been published, Kant confessed to his students that at first he had no idea of the goal of the Critique.  He told his students that anyone who thinks methodically ‘must know (1) what precisely it is that he wants to establish, and (2) what is decisive for establishing it.’  Before you can give an answer, you have to find the question.

8

Getting the evidence together

There are some cases where a party would like to know what documents the other side had.  Well, on a straight common law action, a hang-over from trial by battle, it would have been silly to suggest you might take a look at what the other side had beforehand.  Documentation was fundamental in disputes over land and often critical in commercial disputes, but the parties were left to procure their evidence as best they could – knowing that they could rely on subpoenas at the trial.

But the Chancery, which operated on the conscience of parties, could and often did order parties to produce documents.  They could also deliver written questions called interrogatories.  Both had to be answered on oath – the Chancery used to proceed on the basis of testimony sworn in writing (affidavits).  When in the reform movement in the 19th century, the English sought to streamline legal process by fusing the Chancery with common law courts, the new combined court could invoke the equitable processes of discovery and interrogation in common law actions – say negligence or contract – and that came to be the practice as a matter of course in superior courts.   By an accidental process of history, the common law action had acquired an inquisitorial overlay.

Here are some of the problems you will face in handling this ancient equitable remedy.  It is what surgeons call an invasive procedure, and the patients do not like it at all.  They will try to avoid it, and you have to rely on a kind of honour system.  It puts lawyers in a dreadful position: they have to tell their client to come clean even if it means that they lose the case.  But what if they are the firm’s best client and they threaten to go elsewhere; and the lawyer would rather not lose the partnership while there are three daughters at Wesley?  The judges extended the ambit of search beyond those directly material documents to those that might lead to a train of inquiry.  What a boon for bush lawyers.  An off the cuff remark by a judge in Victorian England, in a case about birdshit in Peru, has done wonders for retailers of Mercedes and BMW in Australia.  Big corporations and big firms could do snow jobs.  The process has been an immensely rewarding chocolate factory for lawyers since a time about thirty years ago when someone said they could charge a dollar a page, and Mr Xerox became the managing partner.  It is hard to catch the cheats, and when one rotten party got rubbed out for cheating, it persuaded a naïve appellate court to put it back in the game.  Finally, people are forever hanging themselves by email – that is just how Bill Gates came unstuck – and the stakes just get bigger in every way.

There is no doubt that some meritorious cases are aided by discovery.  Are they worth the frightful problems and costs?  Opinions will differ, but well off parties may be better placed to deal with those problems than others.  I have certainly not missed it in thirty years on the tribunal – although my theoretical access to all the files of the revenue officers meant I had a fall-back if I thought that games were being played by the Crown.  (It of course has its own powers.)

In my view, there should not be discovery as of right or course.  Depending on your view about judicial intervention before hearing, you could have a rule like one common in arbitration that each party produce each document that it will rely on at the hearing and stipulate what documents it requires from the other, or you could leave it to the court to develop different schedules for different sorts of litigation.

9

Presenting the evidence

Historically, evidence in common law and criminal cases was given in the witness box, and in cases in equity it was sworn to in writing.  When court management came into vogue about thirty years ago, many judges thought that they could speed up the hearing by having the evidence of a witness reduced to writing and adopted on oath in the witness box, so that you could scrap evidence in chief.  I don’t think many now believe that this innovation saved court time.  It certainly put costs through the roof.

This device is thankfully being phased out.  It is impossible to remove the fear that evidence is being concocted by the witness and the lawyers, and it is not fair to the witness to throw them straight into the deep end of a shark pool.  Evidence is either contentious or not – if not, it can be led; if it is contentious, it should never be led.

In the 1970’s to the 1980’s, the late Neil McPhee and I fought a lot of contempt cases.  We lost every one.  We used to put the journo on affidavit and drop it on the Crown on the day – this was after all a kind of criminal prosecution.  Can you imagine the care that was put into these documents?  As we crossed William Street one day, the following type of conversation occurred.

I don’t like this, Neil.  That bloody affidavit has more holes in it than a bridal veil.

The judge only knows what’s in the affidavit.  Your problem, my friend, is that you were involved in preparing the document.  You know too much.

Is that better or worse than the contrary, Neil?

Within about twenty minutes of the start, the judge and the Solicitor-General were having a whale of a time picking out the most telling holes.  Neil was a lot better at keeping a straight face than me – he was of course the senior counsel.  Putting it at its lowest, it is appallingly unbecoming for lawyers to put themselves in this position.  Those who defend this dreadful sham cannot have spent much time at the composing or concocting end – or seen or heard some of the wilder unsworn statements in criminal cases.

It is not fair to the witness; it is not fair to the lawyers: and it is not fair to the judge.  They want to assess the witnesses by hearing them give their evidence from the start.  I have described elsewhere how sickening the other process can be.

The last case I heard at VCAT showed what happens when inanity prevails.  A Sicilian migrant went from being a butcher to a baker – he did not like the cool room – and he astutely bought land in the corridor.  By the time he got to me, he was worth north of $40 million.  He distrusted lawyers and all professionals.  Was he now a farmer?  Someone had made directions for witness statements, which are anathema to me, and all the ghastly folderol indulged in by lazy judges.  The Sicilian filed a [long] statement in impeccable English about trusts and companies.  The first thing he did in the witness box was to ask for an interpreter!  But he knew his occupation:  FARMER.  Since I thought that that answer begged the question, I asked the interpreter what was the Italian word for ‘farmer’ and he said there was none.

That case had become unfair for all involved, including me as the tribunal, because it had become a circus.

Before leaving evidence I should say something about the oath.  It comes from a very different religious age.  I like to swear in witnesses myself to get a look at them from the start.  It is hard to believe that many witnesses take the oath seriously.  They just blithely go through a formality.  It is one thing to have the supernatural in court; it is another thing to countenance hypocrisy in court.  I think we should look at something like a statutory declaration where the witness is told point blank about perjury.  I could not care less about their relations with the Almighty in this world or the next, but I want them to know that if they play up and get caught, they are looking at the slammer.  That can sound late and heavy-handed coming from the bench.  Such a course might also avoid the appearance that we prefer one faith over others.

While we are scrapping witness statements, let’s also ditch court books, written submissions, and folders of authorities.  If people want to submit a note of their argument, in the form say of one and a half pages in summary and syllogistic form, fine – but nothing more ornate.  Counsel refer to far too many cases – and too often when they are committing the mortal sin of not knowing what the case actually decided.  (Every now and then, ask counsel who won the case they are referring to.)  If as counsel you want to hand up a report of case, and you can tell the court what the case decided, just hand up the headnote and the part you rely on.  I heard lots of charities cases, and one part of the law was stated with Biblical finality in one paragraph by a Law Lord in the 19th century.  I always got the full case, about 100 pages, and had to resist reading some drole observations by Lord Macnaghten on the lifestyles of the Moravians.

Some of these steps may have some benefit for the court, but not enough to make the punters pay for it.  I personally would say the same about transcript – apart from one well publicised public inquiry, I don’t think I ever saw one before I gave a decision in all my time – but that may I think be a bridge too far for generations brought up in far, far more comfort than their ancestors ever knew.

I would also scrap mandatory mediation.  There is something on the nose about the courts’ forcing people to try to be reasonable and to agree, but only after the lawyers have had a few more trips to the well, and then in a very expensive and courtly way.  Court ordered mediation is too prone to being just another rung on an already expensive ladder, and one that too many lawyers stand and posture on.  The process has now been saddled with a bureaucracy that is Orwellian if not insane.  People traditionally settle when they get a sight of bare steel, so that the best way to get them to think seriously of settlement as soon as possible is to get them into the ring as soon as you can.  That, in the words of Doctor Johnson, will concentrate their minds wonderfully.  Setting up a dress rehearsal first is a way for wannabes to line their pockets.

10

Procedure run amok – court management gone berserk

Before I come to the hearing, and later phases, I want to take some time to describe a forensic trainwreck that shows how badly we can get things wrong.

Australia enjoyed a long mining boom.  Central to that boom had been the need of China for our mining products.  Fortescue Metals is a publicly listed company engaged in mining.  It and its Chairman and CEO, ‘Twiggy’ Forrest, are on any view major players.  Mr Forrest is no shrinking violet.

In August 2004, Fortescue published statements to the market claiming that it had ‘binding contracts’ with three Chinese state owned entities that supported its Pilbara Mining Project.  The importance to the market of these statements, and their effect on share price and the personal wealth of Mr Forrest will be obvious.  As will be their possible fallibility.  After investigating a claim in the press that this claim about binding contracts with the Chinese was false, ASIC, the corporate regulator, sued Fortescue and Forrest saying that the claim was misleading.  They expressly alleged that Mr Forrest had said something that he knew was untrue.  That is an allegation of dishonesty.

It is hard to imagine a case requiring greater diligence and good sense in its disposal.  Yet the issue was not decided until more than eight years after the publication, and six and a half years after the action was commenced.  By the end, the claim of the regulator extended to 108 pages.  This forest-killing exercise in gamesmanship was probably about 106 pages more than the average investor would think was required to raise a simple issue about a businessman telling a whopper.  The case is if nothing else a frightful warning of how our excessive case management leaves us unable to see the wood for the trees.  A more bleak view is that this was one of the great snow jobs in Australia’s legal history.  It is a matter that could have been dealt with by a committee of the Stock Exchange in an afternoon in response to a one page letter.

The trial judge gave judgment in December 2009.  The judgment runs to 200 pages in the law reports.  (I wrote a book The Common Law, A History.  It started with Adam and Eve and it went to 47,000 words.  This judgment would be about twice as long as that.)  The trial judge found against ASIC and for Fortescue and Forrest.  His Honour made observations about the need to be careful with allegations of dishonesty.  Well, if nothing else, this was a statement of the bleeding obvious about the need to deal with this case sensibly and swiftly, and it might look rich for one lawyer, even if a judge, to grizzle about the delays wrought by lawyers.  Yet for all the readiness of Mr Forrest to hug the limelight outside, and for all the outrage expressed by his lawyers at the awful charges against him, Mr Forrest was not prepared to go into the witness box.  He took the Fifth; then he pleaded defences on which he bore the onus.  Mr Forrest was not prepared to put his considerable mouth where his even more considerable wallet was.  The reputation of West Australian mining entrepreneurs was not on the up.

The regulator appealed to the Full Court.  That court gave judgment in February 2009.  The three judges, the Chief Justice (now on the High Court) and two very experienced commercial judges, were unanimous in finding that the relevant statement was misleading, and that Mr Forrest had been implicated.  The company and he had therefore been in some kind of limbo for nearly five years, sublime testimony to the value of the law’s delays to those who may be found to have fallen outside it but who are rich enough to play the game.

Justice Finkelstein did not agree at all with the trial judge about the conduct of ASIC.  He did what an investor would expect a judge to do, and he looked at the course of trading in shares.  You can read the remarks for yourself.  They will surprise no one who invests on the Stock Market.

But there was a last avenue of appeal, and money (except ours) had ceased to be an object years’ ago.  The High Court gave special leave to appeal, heard the appeal and gave judgment in October 2012 – eight and a half years after the publication complained of.  Judgment against ASIC and for Fortescue and Mr Forrest.  The High Court focussed on the pleadings.  Rather than look at how the lawyers were driven to characterise events, they might have spent more time looking at what investors do.

What was the upshot of this embarrassing Dickensian shambles?  One judge gives judgment for the miners and a smack to the regulator.  Three judges unanimously go the other way and try to ensure that the regulator is not frightened out of doing its job.  Then the last five unanimously go back to the start, in the sure and God-given conviction that if there had been another level of appeal on the merry-go-round, it would probably have been their turn next.

The High Court said that the issue was what readers of the statement to the stock exchange would have understood by the reference to ‘binding contract.’  That is an issue of fact.  It is a perfect example of an issue fit to be tried by a jury.  But the Federal Court does not have juries and only one of the nine judges hearing this case had ever instructed a jury.  How would people of the intellectual refinement and cloistered seclusion of these judges know how the ordinary person would react?  Why would justices of the High Court be better placed to deal with this factual issue than Federal Court judges who at least still get to try issues of fact without a jury?  When was the last time any of these judges had been in a queue for a beer and a pie at the Storm v the Eels?  And why would the High Court allow its precious resources to be spent on a simple issue of fact?

The Full Court said that the reference to ‘binding contract’ would not have been understood by the ordinary investor as a statement of opinion, but an assertion of historical fact.  The High Court said that the judgment of the Full Court entailed that the reference to ‘binding contract’ conveyed a message about enforceability in an Australian court.  Oh for the inscrutable verdict of a jury!

It is unlikely in the extreme that any investor analysed the statement in the manner that the High Court did.  The ordinary investor – any member of the public – simply does not have the equipment for those intellectual gymnastics.  The ordinary investor would look at the announcement and say that if that is what the company is telling the stock exchange, then we are meant to rely on it.  Now, that reasoning might be circular, but an immaculate conception of logic is not a prerequisite for investing in shares.  People in business would regard the statement as ‘bankable’.

Commercial lawyers looking at this statement would raise their eyebrows.  Whether or not a contract has become binding is a matter that is notorious for its legal difficulty.  Especially in China!  And that is precisely why this statement was so dangerous.  The ordinary investor is not a lawyer trained to see how problematic this kind of legal conclusion or opinion might be.  These kinds of deals worth billions are stitched up at great length by legal teams working around the clock to develop what is called the ‘bible’ which is longer than the Bible.  A partner of one of the international law firms that makes these bibles who saw this reference to a ‘binding contract’ before the bible had come into being may simply have said a Hail Mary for the Professional Indemnity partner of the law firm that signed off on this announcement (and you can bet that a team of lawyers was involved there).

Well, Fortescue spent eight years backpedalling from the word ‘binding’ and the company found itself on safe ground when the music stopped.  On any view of these proceedings, Fortescue showed a reckless indifference to the market in its shares being properly informed, and there can scarcely be one investor in Australia who will be glad that Fortescue got away with it.  And then left you and me to pick up a tab that could have got us a good jet fighter.

11

Controlling the hearing

While a great amount of court time is spent on directions for steps to be taken before the hearing, not much time is spent at the hearing in controlling and expediting the process.  The trouble is that nearly every direction that a court gives before the hearing requires a party to do something, and that means that the lawyers have to work, and that means that the bill keeps going up.  But we rarely see the court giving directions that are designed to reduce the bill.

Most lawyers work on a meter – on an hourly or daily rate.  The more hours or days they spend on a job, the more they get paid.  It is not in their financial interests to do their work so as to reduce as far as possible the time that they spend on the job.  Two or more generations ago, this was done not by paying them for time spent but by paying them a lump sum.  They were not paid to read the brief or to prepare for the hearing – they got a fee for the whole brief to appear.  It was called a brief fee, and if, say, that was enough to cover a couple of days in court, counsel would not be minded to take much longer.  You could rely on them for that.

The courts therefore have an interest in controlling the time that counsel take to conduct the trial.  They have more than an interest in doing so, because their main job is to provide a fair hearing, and they do not do that if they allow the hearing to get of hand so that one or both parties cannot afford to go on.  Indeed, it is sometimes hard to avoid the conclusion that some judges just sit there blandly in the God-given hope that eventually the combatants will run out of steam and surrender – at which point the judge most graciously congratulates them on their wisdom.  And delay usually hurts the weak more than the strong.

It was perhaps inevitable that parliaments would relieve tribunals from being obliged to follow the rules of evidence, because undue technicality could frustrate their doing their jobs, and because not many understand the rules.  But a lot of the law of evidence just applies logic or common sense or basic notions of fairness.  Unless you apply some notion of relevance, you may never finish.  If one side is going to say that a witness for the other side is mistaken or lying on a point, that should be put to that witness while they are in the box so that they can deal with it.  If one party can call a witness about what happened, but does not, they are open to the comment that the inference is that the witness would not help them.  These are all matters of common sense that any tribunal should apply.

And if it has any sense, it should apply the rule that says that if an answer is given to a question that is not related to a fact in issue but merely goes to credit, then that answer is final.  The other party cannot call evidence to contradict it.  Otherwise you are exposed to an infinite regress.  The failure to observe this rule is one reason why cross-examination takes so long.  Another reason is the delusion held by so many at the bar that cross-examination is a no-fly zone for the laws of evidence.  There is a general miasma about this which I think has contributed greatly to the length of hearings.

Not many people now can cross-examine.  Rather, they get together a large pile of documents, which it has cost the parties a fortune to assemble, and let the witness know that he or she is going to be invited on a long and painful journey.  Tabbed court books of documents and computer files have contributed to this deterioration.  So far as I know, it is still the law that if you call on the other side to produce a document, you can be compelled to tender it.  In our paper-crazed condition, that law is barely heard of now or even remembered.

So, one way to control the hearing is by applying rules of logic and sense.  Another way is by fixing time limits.  If we got through, say, half a dozen witnesses between 10 am and 11.45, I could apportion the time remaining until lunch between counsel for their addresses.  They might want to go on after 1 pm, but gastric juices then play their part.  Nor did I hesitate to tell counsel that cross-examination was too long, going nowhere, or just plain unhelpful.  ‘How will this questioning assist this process?’  I do not know how judges can just sit there while cross-examination goes on for hours or days in an apparent attempt to revive trial by ordeal.  If counsel have not scored a real hit in an hour, it is time to intervene.  It is your job to provide a fair and sensible trial: to put people out of pain, not to extend it.

Judges are properly wary of quotes for time given by barristers – especially if their chance of getting a start improves with a low quote.  For your own purposes, you might double the quote.  For their purposes, you might halve it.  I chaired a public inquiry in a very sensitive and much publicised matter.  I had four lay people around me who had full-time jobs and little time to spare.  (One was the late Ron Casey of Channel 7 and World of Sport.)  Senior counsel for both sides gave a considered estimate of four months to start much further down the track.  We told them we would start shortly, and that they could have four days – and we held them to it.  Sometimes you have to put your foot down.  No organ of government has unlimited means, and every organ of government bears some responsibility for dealing with its cost.  The great Lord Mansfield recognised that lawyers are the main cause of delay – together with litigants without merit.

Before leaving the discussion of the hearing, I might mention another issue that may affect the nature and the length of the hearing.  You would think that the questions was he negligent or was he honest would attract the same kind of inquiry as the questions was he in a position of confidence or did he act unconscionably?  But because of our history of common law and equity, that may not be so.

Sarah Jenyns, who was born in 1865, ‘conducted a matriarchal business in corsets and surgical appliances.’  The business was hugely successful and involved her seven children.  In 1946, she transferred the business to a company, but she did not ensure that each child took shares, ‘and thereby [she] planted the seeds to this litigation’.

A subsequent transfer to one son was attacked.  He was said to have been in a position of confidence when she was vulnerable.  The trial in Queensland had to be before a jury and it ran for 28 days.  The evidence revealed that Mrs Jenyns had her foibles – she could have walked straight out of a novel by Patrick White.  She claimed to be in touch with the Almighty; she fell into periods of silence when she would only communicate in paper; and she had developed a taste for rum, whisky, and opiates.  She was a living land-mine for litigation.  As the joint judgment of the High Court (Dixon, CJ, and McTiernan, and Kitto, JJ) said:

There were conflicts of expert and other evidence characteristic of such issues, but doubtless the root cause of this controversy lay in the unusual nature of Mrs. Jenyns’ personality and the complex and inconsistent psychological elements forming it.  In a woman of proved business capacity, and considerable practical experience, possessing a peculiar understanding of her specialized trade and its profitable exercise, never separating her business and family life and always striving to dominate in both, and yet long accustomed to profess that her actions were guided by direct communications from a divine source, lacking all sense of the incongruous in the purposes for which she vouched heaven as her authority, temperamental in many of her attitudes and judgments, uninhibited either by a sense of humour or a fear of ridicule, it must have been difficult as she advanced in age to distinguish in her what was merely temperamental or perhaps histrionic from what was irrational, and difficult to judge whether her less rational expressions and ideas had any bearing on her business instinct and understanding and how far family predilections competed in her judgment with practical considerations affecting her own business advantage.  One curious feature of the case is that at the trial Mrs. Jenyns was still living and might have been called as a witness.

The Queensland Supreme Court set aside the transfer of shares that was attacked.  The High Court allowed the appeal on the merits.  The High Court commented on the obvious difficulty in running a case like this before a jury, and in in the kind of language that we associate with that Court, it said:

The jurisdiction of a court of equity to set aside a gift or other disposition of property as, actually or presumptively, resulting from undue influence, abuse of confidence or other circumstances affecting the conscience of the donee is governed by principles the application of which calls for a precise examination of the particular facts, a scrutiny of the exact relations established between the parties and a consideration of the mental capacities, processes and idiosyncrasies of the donor. Such cases do not depend upon legal categories susceptible of clear definition and giving rise to definite issues of fact readily formulated which, when found, automatically determine the validity of the disposition.

Their honours referred to the remarks of an English equity judge made not long after the Battle of Waterloo: ‘A court of law works its way to short issues, and confines its views to them.  A court of equity takes a more comprehensive view, and looks to every connected circumstance that ought to influence its determination upon the real justice of the case.’

For better or for worse, that difference in the trial process may still be with us every day – even in humble statutory tribunals.  The other worrying thing about this case is that apart from allowing the appeal on the merits, the High Court held that the whole action was outside the powers of the statutory officer who sued, and that the action should have been dismissed on this ground alone.  It looks like the point was not noticed until the parties got to the High Court.  The conversations between the parties and their lawyers might then have become a little strained.

12

The decision

A judge once concluded a judgment saying ‘I hope that I haven’t said anything new’.  That kind of shyness is less in vogue now.  But it might lead you to ask the question.  Will deciding this case require me to say something new?  Unless you are on the High Court, the answer will almost certainly be no.  In that case you can dispose of the matter as crisply as you can, while doing as little damage as possible to the people involved or to the fabric of the law.

But in the rare case where you may have to say something new, why should not those same considerations apply?  If you are going to add to the body of our law, then unless you are some kind of juristic superstar, which you almost certainly are not, the chances are that your efforts will leave us worse off.  Why should not you still seek to get rid of the matter saying as little as decently possible?  Did anything – anything – good at all come out of the gallons of ink spilled by nine judges arguing about whether Twiggy had told a fib?

So, I would suggest that the first thing is to keep the decision as short as the law and evidence permits.

The next and related tip is to start as soon as possible doing them on the spot.  It will depend to some extent on jurisdiction, and on temperament.  The late Bill Crockett told me that he enjoyed the Practice Court – ‘it gives you a chance to chance your arm.’  He was on any view a pre-eminent judge – the most imposing judge I have appeared before – but you need to confront something like that sentiment, and the sooner you do so, the better – otherwise you may never get round to it.  And the most gripping disease that can cripple a judge is getting behind in reserved judgments.  We see it so often, and it is a very sad failure of character and the system.

On disciplinary tribunals, I think that the decision should be given on the spot, and face to face with the punter.  You should do it to their face, but you can reserve the right to add to and vary those reasons later.  You may want to do that on some tribunals because people may look to you for guidance on some issues.

I never felt up to giving a decision on the spot in complex cases like charity cases, preferential securities cases, group pay-roll, or tax evasion cases – for one thing, I had no idea what the endgame might be, and it may not be a good idea to think out loud in those cases.  Nor did I think those cases were ones where I should chance my arm, since there were tricky issues of law or fact.  But where the issue was just one of credit or penalty or whether a contract had been concluded by a certain date, there was no problem about doing it on the spot.  It is not my area of practice, but I wonder why most appeals on sentence are not dealt with on the spot.  Do we really suppose that the science of punishment is that precise?

We tend to forget now that from its creation, the English Court of Appeal tried to get through most of its load on the spot.  Oliver Wendell Holmes loved this idea – he would doubtless have been up for it.  Our High Court used to do it occasionally.  I referred earlier to the rule that if you call for a document, you can be compelled to tender it.  The authority is Walker v Walker.  That was a matrimonial case – presumably of a very wealthy couple since this maintenance case started before Magistrate.  The Court gave its judgment on the spot.  Latham, CJ and Dixon, J offered brief observations.  Here is the judgment of Justice Starke:

I agree that the appeal should be dismissed, but I do not agree that the letter which has been referred to was admissible in evidence of the husband’s means. It is, of course, an old rule that if a party calls for a document in the course of the trial he is bound to put it in if so required, but it does not follow that every statement in such a document, hearsay and otherwise, is evidence. It is for the court to consider the matter in each case, and in this particular case all that happened was that the letter was put in to confirm the wife’s statement that her knowledge of her husband’s means was based on hearsay and nothing else. I should not have thought that the letter could in these circumstances be used affirmatively, or that it had any probative value whatever. However, I think there was other evidence which was given of the husband’s position in life and positions that he had occupied which were sufficient to support the decision of the magistrate.

The parties like judges who are short and to the point.  Instead, we are lost on a sea of cut-and-paste agglutination of the style so deplored by good judges.

On the length and depth, or scholarship, of the judgments, I think that the problem has got worse over the last generation or so with footnotes.  They should have no place in the courts.  The taxpayers fund the judiciary to resolve disputes, not to compile and compound juristic theories and theses.  The actual litigants are much more aware of this distinction than judges think.  They just want to be put out of their misery and not to be used as a source of ammunition for the next bunch of guinea pigs – the problem is that empire building does not just hold up the litigants who are the parties in the exercise, but it helps to make it worse for the next lot.  And who wants to be put down by a footnote?

May I take it to be common ground that we have too much law already?  If so, how confident is any would-be law-maker that their next new law will leave us net better off?  So, to the wunderkind or appeal court who wants to unload the next few hundred page bible, I put the Latin question: cui bono?  Just who is the audience?  Certainly not those who paid for it – the parties.

Two of the tablets of our law of negligence were given by two masters of the law, Justice Cardozo in Macpherson v Buick Co. and Lord Atkin in Donoghue v Stevenson.  Elsewhere I said this:

One footnote may be permitted to these judgments.  That of Cardozo J is about ten pages in the reports; that of Atkin is about twenty one pages.  Atkin in his judgment refers to the ‘illuminating judgment’ of Cardozo, and apologises for his own ‘long judgment’.  Heaven only knows what either of these great judges would have thought of the effusive fulminations of the doom-thunderers of nowadays.

The movie Casablanca takes ninety-four minutes.  Any director who makes a film longer than that is at risk of being seen to flirt with Destiny.  So is any judge who takes longer than Justice Cardozo or Lord Atkin.

Finally, if you are going to reserve, get it done quickly.  Don’t let it or others turn into a cancer.  If the case has run for more than a day, you can have the introduction and summary of the evidence and argument made up as you go.  The instincts developed over twenty-five years fighting cases will lead you to review the evidence and the law, and then make findings on the evidence and draw the conclusions of law – and so you come to decide the issues.  It is about a five phase process.

It has been a very long tradition to expose in Anglo-American courts to expose the reasoning in this structured manner.  Nowadays we use that ghastly word ‘transparency’.  This is not the way they do it in Europe.  They think we are odd.  Major law firms now follow the advice that Sir Ernest Gowers (in The Complete Plain Words) gave to the English Civil Service: ‘Begin by answering his question.’  I doubt whether that mode will take on here, because the judiciary is not the civil service, or the retailer of advice to paying customers, but you could well remember how Sir Ernest summarised his rules: ‘Be short, be simple, be human.’  And judges should be encouraged to give a summary of any reserved judgment.

All this has to be done when the case is fresh in your mind – especially if issues of credit are involved.  It is not fair to the parties to allow a lapse of time to flirt with your powers of recall and analysis.  Such a course is unjust.

I have always tried to give a decision on the day of hearing or the next.  I don’t think I ever sat on one for longer than a week.  If anyone wants to say that I confronted less pressure of work than they do, I will be interested to hear from them.  We are talking about professional duty and discipline.  For myself, I cannot understand how any judge at first instance could in good conscience sit on one for more than a month.  You are then likely to cause real pain to real people, and you are not doing the right thing by the rest of us either.  If such a practice were adopted, and it had the effect of reducing attempts to match War and Peace, very few would dress themselves in mourning.

13

Appeals

About thirty years ago, I was at an ABA Conference in New York.  I attended a very affable breakfast for appellate counsel.  Late in the session, I asked if there was an agenda.  ‘Not really, Counsellor.  There is only so much you can say about appellate advocacy, and it has all been said before.  We just fix the agenda for the next meeting.’  That sounded most agreeable.  It was there that I heard for the first time the U S description of appeals’ judges – they hide out in the hills while the real action is going on, and when it is over, they come down and shoot the wounded.  That observation has an American ring to it – a ring of the West.

My own view is that the pain is far less if those doing the shooting are drawn from those who might be shot – and it was a mistake to have a separate Court of Appeal.  The ordinary punter gets nervous with splits in the higher reaches of government.  There is no point in adding to the hierarchy for the sake of it.  It is inevitable that a separate Court of Appeal will develop a sort of aloofness that will lead to estrangement from those still in the trenches.  The more rungs there are on a ladder, the more rickety it becomes, and the easier it is for some to look down on others, and for those others to feel passed over or looked down on.  The principal differences between trial judges and intermediate appeals judges lie in their apparent self-esteem and capacity to make law; the two are related.

The position looks very bad in Victoria with County Court judges all the time being spoken down to by faceless judges who have little part to play with the bar or the profession at large.  This is very unhealthy because the Court of Appeal and the County Court appear to operate on different juristic levels.  There is a kind of intellectual apartheid.  It is worse than the public service in Canberra.

Then comes the coup de grace.  Some of those appeal judges have never fought a criminal case, never fought a case before a jury, and have never directed a jury.  And yet those whose bread and butter has been to appear in front of or to direct juries have to be lectured by some who have never done it.  In the Heydon Royal Commission, the whole nation can see the problems that arise when you ask someone to do the work of a trial judge and they have no training for that purpose.

There is another cause of disaffection.  Our appeal judges have not got their act together in stating their view of the law in crisp simple terms that can be applied by your everyday trial judge.  There are too many judgments with too much said.  We have abandoned the wisdom of our ancestors that held that dissent on high is unhealthy, and on the High Court in particular, we have had to put up with prima donnas whose conception of their own egos has not allowed them to be just one of the team, but requires them to flaunt their own wares – to the benefit of no one except those idle people who have the time to read that kind of stuff.

But you should not be troubled by appeals.  I say that although my sense is that County Court judges are delivering a lot more reserved judgments than they used to because appeals are a lot more prevalent than before.  I have never understood why judges get so scratchy about appeals.  Unless you have said that 1+1=3 or that Donoghue v Stevenson is a leading case on the tort of homicide, the fact that another lawyer comes to a different view to yours appears to me to be an utterly inconsequential result of the fact that litigation is a lottery.  On more than one occasion in tax cases, I have told the punter that a win from me might be their worst result along a winding and rough road.  I also often told counsel that many parts of the law are beyond my comprehension.

I have been talking of the sensitivities of judges.  Far more important are the interests of the parties.  There was an old Latin maxim to the effect that it is in the public interest that there be an end to litigation.  Most litigation is hurtful.  Appeals are forms of litigation that extend the hurt.  Some appeal courts compound it by ordering a retrial.  That happens when some judges say that one or others got it wrong, and the parties have to suffer the consequences.

My own view is that we have far too many appeals, and that if the bloke next door found out how many criminal trials had to be repeated, to the unspeakable misery of those involved, he would be outraged – and I do mean outraged.  Even in my jurisdiction, there were bad accidents.  Some brothers named Christian on the land in Gippsland had to turn up before me on a dispute with the revenue authority about stamp duty on a partition of their farming property.  That was a subject on which I was anything but confident.  These farming brothers had not, like Twiggy, sought to bring government down on them, but they were taken by government, for its own purposes, to a single judge of the Supreme Court, from there to the Full Court, and from there to the High Court.  The stamp duty in question was under $9000.  I think that special leave was refused – otherwise I might just have been the first of five layers of appeal – as happened, I think, to two other cases of mine.

You might say that that is Dickensian or Pythonesque.  In truth, it is a mix of madness and cruelty that can ruin lives.  Our appeals procedures badly need reform.

14

Conclusions

You can usually tell shortly after entering a court-room whether a judge is up to it.  If they look at home in the surrounds and appear to be content in themselves, you’re OK; if not, everyone is in trouble.  In the professions, as in most undertakings, you take a certain amount of learning, skill, and experience as a given – the rest then is character, and for the most part, that does not change.  It is the same on the bench.

We would hope that most judges enjoy the job – those that don’t are a pain.  The pay is good.  The benefits are beyond belief.  They are about the only part of government for whom people have some residual trust left.  There are limits on the lifestyle, but cloistered sodality need not give way to secluded insularity.

I preferred the times when the Supreme Court was the Supreme Court, but all judges still had to do their share of crime, divorce, civil juries, the Practice Court, and circuit.  That mix of people in the street and the gutter helped to stave off that frightful aloofness and ineffable superiority that a taste of ermine confers on so many mortals.

The leading judge of his generation, the late Tom Smith, had a more mundane view of judges.  The ordinary person – the punter – is oblivious to so many of the degrees of separation in the hierarchy that so engage the judges themselves.  Smith thought that the average bloke looked on judges as being not far removed from coppers – people who might, unless you were careful, do you some kind of harm.  I have a very healthy respect for the worth of that view.

There have also been sea-changes in the place of the judiciary over the last generation.  The bench used to be the appointed end of a career at the bar, and retirement from the bench meant retirement.  Neither is the case now.  There are very mixed views on the glowing afterlife of judges, but it is hard to see any loss in a large part of the cream of the bar electing not to take judicial orders.  In the result, there has been a great shift in the spread of intellectual life between the bar and the bench.  I have a clear view that at least in commercial law and equity, the bar now has a strong intellectual preponderance over the bench.  Some might say the same for constitutional law.  In any event, I regard this shift as healthy.  It is altogether right and fitting for people who turn 70 to realise that all the judges out there must be younger than them.  This shift helps keep judges earthed.

I go back to where I started.  ‘People are in conflict and need help.  Your job is to help them by resolving the conflict.  To do so, you will have to take authority over them by making decisions that bind them by the force of the law and the power of government.  The sooner you do this, the better – for you and them’.  Get them into the ring as soon as you can.  Your job is to expedite the resolution of the conflict, not to put up roadblocks to prevent a trial.  Focus on the conflict and not on the process.  A gram of evidence is worth a kilo of process or folderol.  There is no point in trying to fit the parties up with a Rolls Royce if all they want or can afford is a Toyota.

You might think I was being deliberately Bolshie if I said that I was in favour of getting rid of court management, pleadings, discovery, interrogatories, witness statements, court books, compulsory mediations, and transcripts – but I have to say that I have done so for thirty years on tribunals – and governments have an affection for tribunals that I find unhealthy, but which real judges have no interest in feeding.  History suggests that if the judges don’t get their act together, people go elsewhere, with or without the government.

The world is imperfect, and we all have to live with that fact.  You hold your office on trust as a servant of the people, and you seek to discharge that trust by resolving as best you can conflict within the people.  The rest, as someone said, belongs to the madness of art – or else it was summed up thousands of years ago for the Egyptian Civil Service:

Be courteous and tactful as well as honest and diligent.

All your doings are publicly known, and must therefore

Be beyond complaint or criticism.  Be absolutely impartial.

Always give a reason for refusing a plea; complainants

Like a kindly hearing even more than a successful

Plea.  Preserve dignity but avoid inspiring fear.

The precedent following those precepts is a letter from a Minister of Finance to a senior civil servant.  ‘Appollonius to Zeno, greeting.  You did well to send the chickpeas to Memphis.  Farewell.’

NOTES

Churchill on experience: Great Contemporaries, Folio Society, 2015, 6.

Maitland on cricket umpires: Pollock, F and Maitland, F W, The History of English Law before the Time of Edward I, Rev. Ed., Cambridge, 1898, Vol 2, 620-621.

Description of the process before tax tribunal: Gibson, G, Confessions of a Barrister, Amazon, 2014, Part XII.

High Court judges as junior counsel in Victorian tax cases: Christian v Comptroller of Stamos (1989) 89 ATC 2025; 3 VAR 12; 20 ATR 1206; [1991] 2 VR 129 (Nettle, J); Australian Conservation Foundation v CSR [2002] VCAT 1491 (Gordon, J).  Central Bayside v CSR [2003] VSC was on appeal to Nettle, J, and went to the High Court ((2006) 80 ALJR 1509) where M Gordon QC appeared as amicus.

Kant on thinking methodically: Kuehn, M, Kant, A Biography, C U P, 2001, 235.

The VCAT case and the script for the Sicilian: Confessions, above. Part 12

Fortescue litigation: 264 ALR 201; 190 FCR 364; [2012] HCA 39.

Law of Evidence: being compelled to tender a document you have called for: Walker v Walker (1937) 57 CLR 630.

Jenyns litigation: Jenyns v Public Curator (1953) 90 CLR 113 at 118,119.

Judge not wanting to say anything new: Mannai Investment Co Ltd v Eagle Star Life Assurance Co Ltd [1997] AC 749 at the end of the speech of Lord Steyn.

Macpherson v Buick Manufacturing Co (1916) 217 NY 582; Donoghue v Stevenson [1932] AC 562; citation from Gibson, G, The Common Law, A History, Australian Scholarly, 2013, 65-66.

Gowers: The Complete Plain Words, Revd. Ed, London, 1973, 13 and 18.

Egyptian Civil Service: Gowers, above, 20.