Passing Bull 297 – Unhinged?

Anger at the media grew as a result of the press demeaning pro-Western voters and falsely equating them with racists or uneducated morons.  Liberal media ran such hate-filled campaigns against people who supported Trump and Brexit that it became seen, rightly, as a partisan force campaigning against the democratic will of the people.  Instead of speaking truth to power, members of the media were more invested in preserving their own power than revealing unfashionable truths.

Western anti-Establishment fervor took the liberal political-media class by surprise when Donald Trump was elected as US president and the British people’s vote went to Brexit.  As Islamic State spread into the West, killing men, women, and children, citizens of the free world decided the decades-long experiment with porous borders had come to an end.  Political parties that preached globalism and ignored the patriotic zeitgeist lost elections to politicians determined to protect Western civilization against international jihad.

That bullshit is so awful, you ask if the author is unhinged.  Perhaps – but the author is an IPA product with Rupert Murdoch.  Australia lacks a reasonable conservative newspaper.

Media – Murdoch -IPA

IPA -Murdoch

Another kind of madness? 

Science, knowledge, belief – and faith

Most people in Australia regard those who refuse to be vaccinated in an epidemic as behaving irrationally.  The same goes for those who think that climate change does not pose a real threat to us all.  And they would think the same of those Americans who think that the last Presidential election was stolen from Donald Trump, or that the attack on the Capitol was a harmless protest by people with a real grievance. 

Some would give the benefit of the doubt to those who think that the Book of Genesis is literally true.  I would not.  In my view, that proposition is as demonstrably false as a suggestion that the earth is flat.  Just when irrational behaviour might be characterised as madness depends on your point of view – and it is a matter of degree. 

But as I see it, we have passed the time when people can claim a right to be irrational because that irrationality aligns with their faith.  Among other things, faith is beyond logic – by definition.  Faith is not irrational – it is beyond rational, or. if you prefer –it is non-rational.

And in my view, too many people of faith have abused the rights allowed to them by others.  Take, for example, the role of Evangelicals in the degradation of the United States; the role of Pentecostals in our treatment of refugees; or the quite vicious campaign against the gay community by such a frightful outfit as the Australian Christian Lobby.  It is hard to know which of those three words is more objectionable in this context.

I was brought up in that faith and I have lost it.  But the life and teaching of Jesus of Nazareth are part of my fabric, and I am revolted by the outrages against humanity perpetrated by people purportedly in his name.

We need to do more to understand what drives people to irrational beliefs and behaviour.  It looks to come from our anxiety about uncertainty.  The craving for simple black and white is the undoing of the weak and the fate of the dunce. 

Even intellectual giants like Spinoza, Kant and Einstein rejected a personal God, but left room for a God who was the source of all of the wonder in the universe.  That is not surprising, since it probably explains how religion gets off the ground in the first place.  It is curious, then, is it not, that beliefs meant to help us deal with what we cannot comprehend are used to justify beliefs that we cannot logically defend?

Another source of this infection is what is called inequality.  There were few of life’s winners in the attack on the Capitol.  The mix of anxiety and grievance are blood to a tiger for monied mountebanks like Trump, Farage and Palmer.

People who hold opinions that others see as irrational, if not downright mad, claim that their rights and freedom are infringed by those who seek to give legal effect or protection to the contrary views.  They also say that there is no law against irrational behaviour.

Any law affects the rights and freedom of others.  To object to a law merely because it does what any law does is irrational.  Similarly, government reacts differently between people who comply with the law and community standards and those who don’t –such as murderers and rapists.  It is equally fallacious to stigmatise this conduct of government as bad by applying to it the label of ‘segregation’.  That makes as much sense as calling a sausage dog a greyhound.

Enforcing traffic lights affects the rights or freedoms of all of us.  As does the ban on blind people or colour-blind people driving a car.  The question in each case is whether the restriction is warranted in the interests of the welfare of the community. 

In a democracy, that decision is made by the majority of the community.  If you are a member of that community and you do not like the decision of the majority, you face choices.  If you are not a member of the community, the choice is simple.  If you are not prepared to pay the price, you don’t get in.

Yes, irrationality is not of itself against the law, but our obligations to others in our community are not limited to those imposed by the law – and God save us from those who say that they are. 

Irrational thinking can lead to behaviour that is, when objectively viewed, harmful to others in the community, whether or not it is contrary to law. 

While people may to an extent be legally ‘free’ to behave irrationally, they might at least have the courtesy to stay away from those who upon reasonable grounds – the only relevantly qualified opinion – believe that their irrational behaviour may be harmful to the others who are behaving within the expectations of the community as a whole.

And as it happens, our governments have made laws to give effect to that simple proposition.

That, then, takes me back to those who believe in the literal truth of the Book of Genesis – because, say, they believe that that book is the word of God, or that faith in some curious way trumps science. 

The abstract word ‘science’ – which comes from the Latin ‘to know’ – may be misleading.  It took a long time for science to establish that the earth goes round the sun.  It took longer to demonstrate the process of evolution and that the universe has been here for millions of years longer than the bible allows.  It took almost as long for science to prove that a lack of cleanliness can lead to illness and death.  But now, in 2022, we know all those things as matters of fact.

And we also know that vaccination can reduce the risk of the incidence or severity of illness.  And we know that one such illness is that associated with the Covid virus. 

People who want to defy the common sense that underlies each of those propositions are playing silly word games that bespeak a failure of education and are as attractive and as safe as the solemn dedication of little boys’ playing with matches.

And next time you hear someone utter that banal statement ‘I accept the science’, ask them what that means over and above ‘I know that the sun rose again this morning.’

Now, for the first time in this discussion, we go from knowledge to belief. 

If we want to understand the stars, we go to those who are learned in astronomy, not those who subscribe to the magic of astrology.  This is because we prefer to take our advice from those who know what they are talking about to those who don’t.  To do otherwise is to act irrationally – to the point of madness.

So, if we are confronted with a choice about how to react to a serious issue involving the law or medicine, we take advice from people whose professional training and practice over many years qualifies them to give that advice.  None is perfect and there are many bad apples, but the professional people offer the best chance of advice that derives from their membership of a learned profession.  

So, in dealing with a pandemic, we and those we put in government act with advice from the medical profession.  It’s been a very long time in our part of the world since we went to priests, or Tarot card readers, for advice on issues of health.

We do this because experience teaches us to believe that this is the most sensible way to proceed.  We believe that we should act on the advice of doctors about the prospects of the vaccine being of use or offering risk to each of us – because we think that the doctors are the people best placed to express the relevant opinion.  Then we make decisions for ourselves, and our governments make decisions and laws for our community at large.

The medical experts advise us that the more people who are appropriately vaccinated against Covid, the better off will be the whole community.  I can say that I know that to be the case, but whether that proposition is expressed to be one of belief or knowledge, it is one that it is proper for me and those elected to government to act on in deciding how we should best face the risk of the pandemic. 

I work out how I might best protect myself, including by getting vaccinated, and the government makes laws to seek the best protection possible to the community at large – including laws requiring people to be vaccinated, or dealing with those who wish to act against what a clear majority believe to be in their best interests by not getting vaccinated. 

The issue then gets stuck because you cannot argue with most of the people who hold irrational views about vaccination (or with most supporters of Donald Trump).  The refusal to respect and act according to the laws of logic is at the heart of the irrational person’s condition.  It is not just that the conscientious objector, if we may use that phrase, does not agree with the majority.  He or she opts out of the rules that are indispensable to sensible dialogue.  It is in my view a form of repudiation of the social compact. 

It is like the person who opts out of any discussion of abortion by defining abortion as murder and saying that murder is non-negotiable.  I see no real difference between those two people and one who says: ‘Don’t talk to me about traffic lights.  I am colour blind, devoted to my freedom, and I regard Clive Palmer to be as saintly as Donald Trump and Craig Kelly to be smarter than any doctor.’

All that looks to me to be very dangerous – because as well as being irrational, this behaviour is also downright selfish.  And there you have a source of conflict that is likely to lead to a breach of the peace between the two conflicting groups.  As when people who have complied with community expectations who need medical aid cannot get it because their bed has been taken by a selfish person who has not complied with those expectations – because they have put their interests over the interests of others.

Which leads me to one proposition that cannot I think be dismissed as merely ad hominem.  The people who hold out against vaccination do so, they say, because of some misgiving about medical advice.  One thing seems clear.  One thing seems certain.  For most of them, most of those misgivings go clean out the window from the time they ring triple 0, get into the ambulance, and cross the threshold of the hospital – all funded by me and others who have done what the community expects of us.  Those who once opted out have now opted straight back in, with all the electrified zeal of the groom on his wedding night.

These other people, then, are not just stupid and selfish, but they are plain shifty and gutless.

And the history of the world is tragically littered with crimes committed and wars undertaken under the aegis of faith.  If you want to know how corrosive religion may be, just look at how the bible was taken to the natives of Africa and both of the Americas.  Look at what the white people did to the aborigines in Australia, and the way that we treat refugees now.  Or just read the shocking but brutal banality of the wording of The Battle Hymn of the Republic.  (If you have forgotten, the hymn came from a song created to celebrate the life and death of a fanatical religious zealot whose cold-blooded murders so accurately encapsulate the spirit of what Americans call 9/11 and reveal that dreadful lesion of violence in the American psyche.  That is some hymn.)

Why in dealing with the trouble we have with irrational people, do I refer to the trouble we have with non-rational followers of faith?  Because both here and in the U S, people of faith are seeking to have our laws conform to dogma that they seek to justify by reference to their faith.  In doing so, they show a self-interest which is beyond justification by logic alone.  They end up just as badly placed as people whose selfishness is driven by irrationality.

Religion is not so much a back door as a front door to unreason.  But many of its manifestations bear frightening resemblance to the plague of conspiracy theories that now pose as serious a threat as Covid. 

Take the major faith followed in this country.  Its essential premise is that a Jewish hasid who was barbarously executed after a show trial that became a lottery later rose from the dead.  A dispassionate lawyer would describe the evidence supporting the story of the resurrection as at best problematic.  But millions have died over disputes about drinking the blood of the deceased or whether the godhead comes in three parts.  (The doctrine of the real presence was denounced by act of parliament in 1539, and Isaac Newton of Trinity College could never understand the doctrine of the Trinity.)

Another major faith allows the virgin birth, but denies the crucifixion.  One cult may or may not be a sect of our major faith, but you might get a knock on the door from people who love money and multiple marriages and who believe that their faith in Israelites sailing to America was set down in golden tablets brought down by an angel.  Just how you rate these against QAnon[GG1]  is I suppose a matter of degree – or taste.

However that may be, it is arithmetically inevitable that most people in the world believe that most religions of the world are baseless – in truth downright silly.  Unless the resulting tensions are well managed, you get lethal conflict.  In the result, religion is behind so much of the conflict in the world.

But their tendentious bases do not dampen the political ambitions of the faithful.  So, we get these nonsensical claims that people should be protected in the freedom of their religion by being free to sack people because they are gay.  This is not just selfish and irrational – it hurts real people and it endangers the social fabric of our community.

In my view, the ambitions of the faithful are now so large that not only should we resist their demands for more legal protection – we should also stop giving them relief from paying tax.  That is another way that these people have not been pulling their weight.  And it is time that they were told to pull their bloody heads in. 

The time for allowing legal privileges to churches of any shape or colour has long since passed – not least because those who follow Scientology claim the relevant benefits.  Scientology is as ugly a virus in the body corporate as you could imagine.

And as Kant remarked, no ruler can come between you and God.  It is only when you seek to practise your faith in public so that it affects others that you become subject to the laws of the land.  Your freedom ends when others get hurt.  The Vatican did deals with evil people like Napoleon, Hitler, and Franco, but even those people could not stop people praying to their God. 

There are now disturbing reports in the press of the Liberal Party’s being infiltrated, if that word may be permitted, by people from very odd religious sects, whose views on life would almost certainly not match those of most of the electorate.  And who don’t mind dabbling in corruption.

There certainly appears to be a cabal of Pentecostals in the federal government.  That is led by a man whose devotion to the teaching of the holy man who gave us the parable of the good Samaritan is revealed by his keeping a plaque on a wall celebrating his part in sending in armed forces against unarmed refugees.  Does this man of faith really say that he does not know why that makes so many people feel sick? 

It is not just that we have a government that is intellectually challenged and morally compromised – but we have a return of the infection of our politics by religion – which we thought we had shed about half a century ago.

Let me conclude by disclosing my main bias in all this.  I am 76 years old, with a heart condition including one heart attack, terminal lung cancer in remission, and incurable emphysema.  This virus, in any mutation, could have me for breakfast without stopping for its or my breath.  I have been kept above the ground by the care and skill of the nurses and doctors in the best health care system in the world. 

It is appalling to think that all of that may be undone by a few selfish fools.  In truth, I see these people as suffering from a kind of madness.  And if you wish to be reminded just how dangerous such people can be, take another look at those mad, bad people who attacked the Capitol last year – and the awful clown who inspired them.


 [GG1]

Anti-vax – freedom of religion – Liberal Party – Morrison – Conspiracy theories

Chris Dane

My mate Chris Dane died yesterday.  He was as loyal a mate as I have known.

We met at the Bar in 1971 when we were both starting out.  We appeared against each other on a couple of occasions.  I then had a hang-up about Melbourne Grammar boys, but I was prepared to make an exception for Dane because he supported Melbourne. 

During the late 1960’s, I had suffered the Demons’ pain with a mate from school who was a medical student.  Then I got into the MCC and for years I suffered alone.  In about 1975, I asked Dane if he would care to share the pain.  His first marriage had exploded badly.  He needed succour.  I used to call on him in Oban St, South Yarra, have a Scotch, and we would go and have lunch, and then go to the footy.  As often as not to say that the only mistake we made was to leave the bloody pub. 

This went on, across all the suburban grounds, then for about twenty years.  It was a very Melbourne thing, and we both loved it for that reason – of course, without saying so.  

We tailed off as his second marriage soured, the AFL spread beyond our best suburban boundaries, and TV meant that we were not getting enough at the MCG on Saturdays – after lunch at the Prince Alfred.  In the name of God, we were not dedicating our off time to the dregs of the League for the sake of it.  Lunch and later was very much a boys’ thing.  This was our time.

For four or five years around 2010, I shared chambers with Dane.  He was still in full practice in crime.  Serious crime.  Dane had an earned reputation for being fearless. 

I made guest appearances in chambers.  On one occasion I was seeing one of my Anglican priest clients.  Dane bowled in.  I introduced my bloke and said that Dane had acted for more serious crooks than most people had had hot dinners.  Dane puffed himself up to his full height and announced that he was acting for Her Majesty the Queen.  I was very glad to hear that, because Dane, like all of us, had his flaws.  One of them was a ferocious ability to bite back at people in authority who got in his way and who he thought were not up to it.  People who become partisans of their side of the register to that extent cease to be professional, and I think Dane had got it right by the end.

On another occasion, I had taken into chambers a .22 rifle in a very respectable gun bag.  After lunch, I called in to collect it.  Dane was there with a guy with the hallmarks of serious crime.  Without missing a beat:

Don’t worry.  He’s only called in to pick up his gun.

[Crim.]  Really!   [To me.] What sort of gun is it?

Possibly not your go, Sport.  Small bore.22 that would hardly stop a bunny.

In about 1987, I was hearing tax cases.  For light relief, I used to get some cases of SP bookies being charged with stamp duty on their takings.  It was a relief from tricky issues of equity or tax that could end up in the High Court.  I was walking up William St one night.  I heard a voice from the other side of the road.  It was Dane.  ‘Comrade.  I am appearing before you tomorrow.  I’m for the bookie.’  Two seconds later.  ‘And that’s not an admission.’  I laughed out loud.  Next morning, something like the following colloquy took place.

I just want to understand your case.

Certainly.

You had run the pub for 16 years.

Yes.

And on only one night were you holding money for bets on the races.

Quite correct.

And that happened to be the night the wallopers arrived.

Exactly!

Sadly…

The guy I saw most Melbourne games with after Dane was Ross Milne-Pott.  The same pattern – plain misery after a good lunch at the beer garden at the Prince Alfred. 

But the three of us were there together on that ensainted day at the Western Oval in 1987, when we got up to get into our first finals since 1964 – and we cried like children on the train until we cried into our beer at Young and Jackson’s.

Sportsman – you were as loyal a mate as I have known – and in this whole vast universe, personal loyalty is what counts.  It was given to you and me to climb that last mighty mountain before we leave, and I am so glad for you. 

I will say farewell with an anecdote that you would like.  Ross and I could not handle the stress of watching the first two finals live.  Sheer cowardice.  We huddled in corners in our own homes emailing each other while getting one or two from you. 

And then I got one from you.

It may be safe for you to turn the TV on now.  They are ten goals up in the last quarter.

Passing Bull 296 – Oddness in court and off the court

Some curious things are coming out of U S courts. 

The lawyers for Ghislaine Maxwell say that the prosecution sought to make her a ‘scapegoat.’  That is the fallacy of Socrates in his ‘defence’ in Plato’s Apology.  To impugn the motive of the prosecutor is not to provide a defence to the charge.

The lawyers for Prince Andrew say that the lady suing him is seeking a ‘pay day.’  That is one way of describing an action for damages.  For which the late Mr Epstein provided a handsome floor.

They also say that the prince is entitled to the benefit of an agreement – the release of Epstein – to which the prince was not a party.  This is, to put it softly, tricky.  About a quarter of a century ago, I tried to draw releases to corporations by having the corporation expressly enter into the agreement as agent for a class of people who might be subject to a similar claim.  When you are preparing a release for a serial pervert, with a criminal record, the possibility of an English prince being sued for a similar claim is not one that would gallop to the forefront of the mind of most legal draftsmen.  Especially if the prince is married – although marriage, like divorce, is no longer so significant in that family.

And there was oddness off the court.  The press is full of the news of the Balkan Superman now in custody.  But they don’t tell us which was the law firm that gave him advice on a very fraught and consequential part of our law.  Or do you suppose that the ignorance of Superman and his overpaid management team is matched by their arrogance – and that he did not get any qualified legal advice at all?  If so, his attitude to medicine is matched now by his attitude to the law – spellbinding stupidity and selfishness, so that now this low flying bludger deserves everything that I hope he gets.

What we do know is that he wanted to come here in defiance of our laws and wishes – and then boasted to the world that he had the wealth and power to achieve just such a result.  It is hard to imagine any twerp offering a more brazen slap in the face to a whole nation than that.

As I remarked to the nice Serbian lady who looks after me at the IGA Deli, ‘Keep a low profile, Dear.  This clown is doing nothing for you Serbs.’  She understood, but the usual suspects don’t.

We get this inane chatter about ‘segregation’.  People who have Covid should be kept away from those who don’t; so should people who are more likely to have caught it.  You don’t change that by substituting ‘segregate’ for ‘separate.’ 

Then someone said we invaded his privacy.  Let us put to one side his public trumpeting, and the difficulty of staying private when acting in public and your whole immense fortune comes from your doing just that, my privacy will be shattered if my name appears in the death notices, because of an infection by a stupid, selfish ratbag like this man. 

Then some clown with a flag at the vigil said this was ‘racism’.  Really.  Other people held in that of detention are – to our disgrace – victims of racism, but not this filthy rich white man.

Now for the good news about sport.  Usman Khawaja is man of colour and the Muslim faith.  His parents migrated here from Pakistan for a better life.  Yesterday he completed a majestic century against England.  There are few moments as big as that in our sport.  The Melbourne crowd were terrific with Boland.  The Sydney crowd were just as good, if not better, with Khawaja.  It is a moment of high drama and faith to see a man like that celebrate his century – with his wife standing up in the stand holding up their baby.  They are the things we live by and for.

Uzzie gave us the best repudiation of that crass and twisted tennis twerp.  It may be just a matter of time before our Prime Minister puts his oar in again, and say that this was the Australian way.

Who put my man i’ th’ stocks?

The return of the Law of Suspects

(This note follows one which looked at a call by some that Michael Vaughan be stood down.  That note began as follows.

The Age today has an article by Osman Faruqi, who it describes as ‘a Pakistani born Australian journalist.’  Mr Faruqi says there is ‘a cloud hanging over this series that few in Australian cricket seemingly wanted to acknowledge, let alone discuss.’ 

The cloud consists of allegations of ‘racism’ against Michael Vaughan, a former English captain, and current commentator.  The only allegation that Mr Faruqi mentions is that Mr Vaughan is alleged to have said to a group of Asian cricketers ‘Too many of you lot, we need to do something about it.’   Mr Vaughan denies making saying that.  (If it matters, I believe him.  I hold Mr Vaughan in high regard.) 

English media organisations have apparently dropped Mr Vaughan as a commentator.  Mr Faruqi says Fox Sports should do the same here.)

King Lear had foolishly divided his kingdom between two evil daughters, and one of them had caused one of his companions to be put in the stocks for insolence.  The stocks or pillories were wooden devices with holes for head and hands ‘in which offenders were formerly imprisoned and exposed to public abuse’ (Compact OED).  It was a brutal form of public degradation made for the taste of vindictive people in cruel times.  So, King Lear put the question stated at the head of this note.  He was suffering an affront to his prior majesty that one of his daughters could do this to a man under his protection.  He said that it was worse than murder to ‘do upon respect such violent outrage.’  And he immediately sensed for the first time the onset of his madness.

In the 1930’s, a Russian princess sued MGM for libel.  She alleged that a movie imputed that she had been raped by Rasputin.  A typical libel says that the plaintiff has done something wrong so that others should think less of the plaintiff.  But it might also come from an allegation that causes people to ‘shun and avoid’ the plaintiff.   A judge and jury found against the film producer on this basis.  Whether that would happen in Melbourne now is at best doubtful, but a suggestion in 2021 that a man had tested positive for Covid could be as dangerous as a suggestion in 1981 that he had tested positive for HIV. 

And we are reminded that under the old law, you could sue for a merely oral form of publication if it imputed toyou a disease which would ostracise you from society.  Indeed, you could be prosecuted for criminal libel if you attacked someone with enough acid to provoke a breach of the peace.  And truth then was no defence.  As the old text (Hudson on Star Chamber) remarked, ‘it is not the matter, but the manner, which is punishable: for libelling against a common strumpet is as great an offence as against an honest woman, and perhaps more dangerous to the breach of the peace: for as the woman said she would never grieve to have been told of her red nose if she had not one indeed, neither is it a ground to examine the truth or falsehood of the libel’.   (Protecting the peace from violence in response to abuse is now the task of police and summary offences legislation about offensive or insulting conduct.)

In the middle ages – say about 1215 – a criminal taken in the act was without more an outlaw – outside the protection of the law.  He was not entitled to any ‘law’.  What had to be proved was not that he had been guilty of murder, but that he was taken red-handed ‘by hue and cry’.  As F W Maitland mordantly remarked, ‘our records seem to show that the kind of justice which the criminal of old times had most to dread was the kind which we now associate with the name of Mr Lynch.’  And we need not here pause to inquire whether that old law survived in law the guarantee of due process in Magna Carta.  It’s pounds to peanuts that it did survive for some time as a matter of fact.

So, our primitive law allowed people to be punished by being forced into the stocks and subjected to public abuse – a kind of verbal stoning.  Since 1689, an attempt by any body except parliament to impose such a penalty would be declared unlawful as a ‘cruel and unusual punishment’ in contravention of our Bill of Rights.  And the law recognises that you can suffer hurt and damage to your reputation by a publication that does not say that you did anything wrong , but merely that there is something about you that people should steer clear of.  The law could therefore be invoked to guard against ostracism.  And centuries have gone by since a miscreant could be taken and dealt with, if necessary by execution, without trial or any process at all.

So, some ways of dealing with conduct against the community have been preserved.  Some have not.  A lynching involves killing the suspect.  That is one difference between a lynching and the dismissal from office that some seek for Michael Vaughan in response to an allegation, that he denies, of racism.  If you can think of any other difference, could you be so kind as to let me know?

It is fundamental to our constitution, and our way of life, and it has been since 1215, that no one should be punished except under the law and in accordance with process.  People who seek to avoid or diminish that fundamental right really attack us where we live.  And although some may not see it, there is a strong thread of humanity – or humaneness – in our common law. 

This is rarely articulated.  Perhaps it cannot be.  But it can I think go back to a sense of an inherent worth or dignity in each of us that derives from the mere fact that we are human.  And I think this is so for a body of people most of whom have never read a word of Kant.  This is because the common law eschews theory, much less philosophy.  It just asks if something works – and if it is fair.  And we have a reasoned suspicion of any form of power over people because we know that such power corrupts.

So, we get the notion that if there is doubt, the accused should get the benefit of it.  And we would prefer guilty people to go free rather than jail innocent people.  (And thank God we did not hang Lindy Chamberlin.) 

Even in civil cases, an unspoken leaning might surface at about two o’clock in the morning, as the judge wrestles with the law and her conscience or humanity – ‘Well, bugger it – if someone has to suffer, let it be the side who can best bear it.’  That premise is never articulated, but it is normally there – and those judges who stifle it become known.  (This was given eloquent expression to me many years ago by a decent war horse named Les Ross: ‘I have just been appearing before a snake on a rock.’  Who had ginger hair.)  

The case was stated with what I might call Dominican subtlety by Lord Devlin (whose star has now been so sadly burnished), when discussing that great triumph of our law, the jury:

Trial by jury is a unique institution, devised deliberately or accidentally – that is, its origin is accidental and its retention is deliberate – to enable justice to go beyond that point [the furthest point to which the law can be stretched ]…The fact that juries pay regard to considerations which the law requires them to ignore is generally accepted…It is, for example, generally accepted that a jury will tend to favour a poor man against a rich man: that must be because at the bottom of the communal sense of justice there is a feeling that rich man can afford to be less indifferent to the misfortunes of others than a poor man can be.

As it happens, these predilections of our law sit well with us here in Australia.  We distrust theory and we reject ideology outright.   No one I know takes seriously the wafty outbursts of people like the Institute of Public Affairs or those who chase the illusory Golden Fleece called ‘Western Civilisation’.  They are just little children who stoutly refuse to grow up, and who amuse themselves with wordy but quite useless board games.  They putter about like Eskimos in their sequestered igloos, while real life goes on in the Savannah, or what Churchill called the broad sunlit uplands.  They prattle on in their own special dialect – call it Poodle-Dum.  They are truly privileged.  And groomed and manicured to the hilt.  They do not have to do anything.  They merely comment on what others do.  Power without responsibility is what used to be called the privilege of the harlot through the ages.  These think tanks could have sent Plato clean out of his mind.

There is an engaging ongoing intercity derby – who can be the most banal – the Institute of Public Affairs or the Menzies Research outfit?  Each is fronted by a world-class champion bullshit-artist, the quintessence of banality.  There are moments of hilarity.  Their cadres bang on endlessly about elites – as if excellence were to be avoided.  But the IPA is fronted by the noblesse of the Melbourne club and one of the richest people in Australia.  In a way, they resemble the aristocrats who laughed so loudly at The Marriage of Figaro – and then saw themselves humourless at the base of the scaffoldWe just have to hope that our children and theirs see the joke on what Gina leaves to us on this blasted planet.

And when it comes to a dispute with management, the natural reaction of Australians is to line up against management.  Indeed, that inclination is nigh on mandatory if you are talking about sport or government.

All these traits of ours are I think well enough known.  What is sadly less well known is the danger inherent in those who would see a man deprived of rights merely because of suspicion – as happened in France with the Law of Suspects in 1793.  That period is known as the Terror.  If is from there that we date the use of the term ‘terrorist’.  Government by terror became the order of the day.  The rights of an innocent individual had to give way to the interests of the State.  That is precisely the modus operandi of those regimes that we least respect (to use a phrase of Sir Owen Dixon).  It is a point-blank denial of the rule of law that we have sat under since 1215.

But that looks to me to be just what people are seeking in the case of Michael Vaughan.  ‘Terribly sorry, old boy – but you will just have to take a hit for the team.’  Except that here the ‘team’ is that ghastly construct, the State. 

This does remind me of a story told by Luke Hodge, who had become one of the most highly respected captains in the Australian Football League.  Hodge had been frisky early in his career, and his coach, the rightly revered Alistair Clarkson, came down heavily on him. ‘You will think you have been dealt with unfairly – and you may well be right.  But there are other interests in play.’ 

That is fine – in a footy club.  Its reasoning there is impeccable; but in affairs of state, it is verboten.  The notion of conduct ‘prejudicial to the interests or reputation of’ a body is OK where people are free to contract in or out – and who get paid enough to warrant some check on their baser instincts – or in a uniformed service that has an interest in preserving a decent public image – but it does not hold for you and me and our government. 

This is serious.  We must not pussyfoot about it.  In Darkness at Noon, Arthur Koestler introduced us to ‘The Grammatical Fiction’.  There is no such thing as ‘I’.  One protagonist put this note in his diary:

We have thrown overboard all conventions; our sole guiding principle is that of consequent logica; we are sailing without ethical ballast.

It comes as a shock to recall that millions of people in both Russia and China look back on mass murders of many millions with mixed feelings.  We are now told that many Americans have mixed views on the insurrection at the Capitol of 6 January 2021.

The defiance of the rights of the individual was again evident in the way Cricket Australia threw Tim Paine straight overboard.  Leaving us to read press reports of concern for the mental health of both him and his wife.  And people call for footballers to be dropped if they face allegations of sexual offences.  Even though our bloated criminal justice system may take years – before finding that the case had failed. 

This is not just the loss of livelihood.  We are speaking of wrecking a life and a person’s standing among us.  And don’t speak to me of someone taking a hit for the team.  We are talking of voracious trading corporations – like Cricket Australia or the Australian Football League – whose care for the people they trade on resembles that given to Russian serfs by the boyars circa 1812.  They just look after themselves and their bottom line. 

In twenty years acting for Anglican priests pursued by their own superiors, I saw just this response from a neurotic and selfish hierarchy who threw their accused out of sight and out of mind in a fevered defence of their face and their brand. 

At least since 2016, and the advent of Trump, we have had to contend with people who choose their own reality over that lived in by the rest of us.  We see it just as frighteningly now with warped minds prattling about ‘freedom’ when matters of life and death are at hand. 

It is worth recalling some insights from the luminous mind of Hannah Arendt (in The Origins of Totalitarianism, 1975).

The attraction of evil and crime for the mob mentality is nothing new.  It has always been true that that the mob will greet ‘deeds of violence with admiring remark: it may be mean but it is very clever.’  The disturbing factor in the success of totalitarianism is rather the true selflessness of its adherents…The temporary alliance between the elite and the mob rested largely on this genuine delight with which the former watched the latter destroy respectability…The object of the most varied and variable constructions was always to reveal official history as a joke, to demonstrate a sphere of secret influences of which the visible, traceable and known historical reality was only the outward façade erected explicitly to fool people…the difference between truth and falsehood may cease to be objective and become a mere matter of power and cleverness, of pressure and infinite repetition.

Well, all that related to the evillest people in history – but it is shocking to see how well it describes the U S in 2022.

Yes, but what has it to do with the campaign to discredit and unseat Michael Vaughan?  Just this –the decline in the place of truth in our lives leaves us so much worse off.  As does the decline in common sense and common decency.

Let me take one example from The Weekend Australian of 1-2 January, 2022.  James Allan is apparently Garrick Professor of Law at the University of Queensland.  His piece is headed: The dangerous path towards segregation and despotism.  It is full of the tropes of bloated ideology that we get here on weekends.  Two extracts will be enough.

Yet Covid-19 comes nowhere near the level of lethality needed to justify what amounts to a huge inroad into the basic standards of a functioning liberal democracy…If you are over 80, or obese, or have a number of comorbities, then look out.

My own bias is that I am squarely within the high-risk area that the professor identifies.  The virus could have me for breakfast.  But I am apparently expendable – in the interests of ‘freedom’ for Jimmy, Clive, Craig, Pauline and their mates. 

And the professor does not stay to mention what he understands by the word ‘lethality’, the criteria for assessing it, or the capacity of a lawyer to identify and apply those criteria.  When the consequences may be fatal.  Such is life in the likes of Fox News in the U S, and the front office for those spent political parties that they seek to protect.  One for lucre; the other to hand it out to keep the better people and the evangelicals in power.

You might wonder how a professor of law might view a GP who challenged him on the juristic basis of his chosen area of specialisation in the law.  Or perhaps we might ask about the wisdom of a plumber electing to act for himself in a murder trial, based on what he had learned about advocacy from a DIY book on how to become a successful vacuum cleaner salesman.

You might also wonder about that part of our law that says that we should take care not to hurt our neighbour.  And I wonder why I should now be reluctant to go the pub or the movies in case I have the bad luck to get near and infected by some poor deluded soul who has been badly afflicted by the noxious tripe peddled by people with the mentality and morals of Clive Palmer or Craig Kelly – in the hilariously labelled United Australia Party.

We now have to live with two sorts of failure in the life of our community.  One lot among us think they know better than those who clearly do.  Another lot seek more power to live as they wish than others are prepared to allow them.  Both involve people putting themselves above the rest of us.  The first are arrogant.  The second are selfish.  They commonly go together.  We have not just the return but the triumph of ‘I’.

Which brings me back to the failure to articulate the premises of logic in Mr Faruqi’s campaign against Michael Vaughan.  What precisely is the kind of ‘racism’ alleged?  What is the evidence of what was said and to whom and in what context?   What meanings might the alleged words have conveyed, and on what ground is it alleged that that meaning comes within what form of proscribed ‘racism’? 

There is nothing subtle about this – whether you call it natural justice, due process, or procedural fairness.  Or common sense – or just manners.

I remarked in another context that if someone alleged that you were ‘corrupt’, and you sued for libel, the court may well order you to say what form of corruption that you say is being alleged against you.  What do you say was the ‘corrupt’ conduct imputed to you?  The court would do this as a matter of fairness.  Someone being sued has a right to be told of the case that they have to meet – if the publisher wants to allege truth as a defence, what evidence must the publisher adduce for that purpose? 

May I repeat – we are not here speaking just of logic, but also of fairness – or common decency.  There is too much in the smearing of Michael Vaughan that recalls the dark workings of Senator McCarthy.  Or the latterday machinations of parts of the press.

They are the main grounds on which I maintain that the attack on Michael Vaughan is misconceived and without merit.  But that attack does evidence a very worrying trend in the decline of logic, truth and courtesy in our public life.  

At the height of the Terror in France, the presumption of innocence was as good as reversed.  Robespierre said: ‘Whosoever trembles at this moment is also guilty.’  He also subscribed to ‘trial by conscience’ – an intuitive decision rather than a reasonable one; the accused could be convicted for attitude as well as actions.  In another speech, Robespierre gave us all the essence of paranoia – ‘Look about you.  Share my fear, and consider how all now wear the same mask of patriotism.’  The good looked just the same as the bad.  

Now, we are nowhere near that level of moral collapse, and it would be silly to say that we were.  But I agree with King Lear – and he was not mad when he said this.  Violent outrage is being done upon respect.  There is far too much of it going on, and at least some of those guilty of this form of outrage should know better.

Passing Bull 295 – Under a cloud

The cloud consists of allegations of ‘racism’ against Michael Vaughan, a former English captain, and current commentator. The only allegation that Mr Faruqi mentions is that Mr Vaughan is alleged to have said to a group of Asian cricketers ‘Too many of you lot, we need to do something about it.’   Mr Vaughan denies making saying that.  (If it matters, I believe him.  I hold Mr Vaughan in high regard.) 

The Age today has an article by Osman Faruqi, who it describes as a Pakistani born Australian journalist.’  Mr Faruqi says there is ‘a cloud hanging over this series that few in Australian cricket seemingly wanted to acknowledge, let alone discuss.’ 

English media organisations have apparently dropped Mr Vaughan as a commentator.  Mr Faruqi says Fox Sports should do the same here.

Mr Faruqi does not say which form of the very plastic term ‘racism’ he invokes against Mr Vaughan.  We cannot then judge – if we are into giving judgment – whether it would apply to his remark that ‘as a Pakistani-Australian cricket tragic, I absolutely love to see England lose.’  I can imagine people having very different views on that issue.  Or in the belief that English soccer is bedevilled by its overt reliance on too many imported players of colour.

But they are mere debating points.  What Mr Faruqi is saying is that Mr Vaughan should be dealt by a third party adversely to his interests and good standing among us because first, someone has made an allegation against him that he denies and, secondly, that other third parties in England have chosen to do so (albeit on grounds that we have not seen described). 

If we here were to follow that policy, we would be going back to the Law of Suspects implemented in France during the great Terror in 1793.  You could be deprived of your rights if someone made an allegation against you that you had conducted yourself in a way that was seen to be against the interests of the current regime.  Mere suspicion was enough to put you down.

That is a shocking suggestion.  It is the logical equivalent of saying that if there is a cloud above your head, we can say that you are standing in the rain.

And it does not get any better because it comes from a person who – it is transcendentally clear – is not a disinterested observer.

The Age should know better.  Indeed, it is dangerously close to standing under a cloud.

Passing Bull 294 –Religion?

The Commonwealth, or at least the Prime Minister, feels the need to make a law about religion.  He has introduced a Religious Discrimination Bill.  I will take the government’s statements at face value.  To put it softly, there are plenty who don’t.  For reasons I will come to, my reading of the Bill hardly got past the definition section.

A lot of people argued that the Racial Discrimination Act goes too far in outlawing statements said to constitute racial discrimination.  The question for them is: What is it that the law forbids you to do today that you wish to be free to do tomorrow? 

A different question arises under this new law.  What are people free to do to you today which you would have the law forbid them from doing tomorrow? 

No one has ever suggested to me a plausible answer to either question.

But before we get to that, there is a prior question.  What is this law about?  If the Commonwealth wants to make a law about companies or race, it will say what it means by those words.  This bill does not define religion.  That is extraordinary – to put it at its lowest. 

What may or may not be classed as ‘religion’ is politically charged, as charged as the issue of state aid or tax relief to ‘religious’ schools.  Someone claiming to make a law about that might at least say what they mean – rather than leaving it to others to do so.  As people say now, that is kicking the can down the road – to people who have not been elected to make laws.

While I was President of the Tax Division of the Victorian AAT in 1987, I had to decide whether The Free Daist Communion of Australia Ltd was a body associated for religious purposes.  (Reported at (1987) 2 VAR 133.)  A man called Da Free John started The Dawn Horse Communion and The Laughing Man Institute.  The Crown did not allege fraud or a sham, but there was tension in our community because in 1983, the High Court had held that scientology was a religion – when most Australians thought that it was as fake as it was dishonest. 

In view of the position of the Crown, I thought I had to hold that this body was religious.  (And I think that was the only decision in 18 years adverse to the Crown that was not appealed.)

As I saw it, the two main criteria were belief in the supernatural – that bears on the conduct of the faithful.  Counsel for the Crown, Joseph Santamaria, a friend of mine, later that said my reasoning was: all religion is bull; this outfit is full of bull; therefore it is religious.  No, Joseph – but I did say that you do not disqualify a body from being religious merely by showing that it sounds stupid or fake.  Or evil.

‘Truth’ is not a criterion of faith.  And I am not aware of any scriptural foundation of a faith that does not contain some matter of division or hate, or some other threat to the common weal.  Ultimately people of faith are driven to the position that religious faith is unfounded – except for theirs.

The breadth of tolerance from the High Court troubled many people.  And it comes with a heavy price.  We are expressly warned that charlatanism is ‘a necessary price of religious freedom.’

Well, it is a matter for Catholics, Jews, Muslims and others whether they want to be put in the same box as the Church of Scientology.  The question is whether they will be joined by Muslims espousing the adoption of Sharia Law, or practitioners of Voodoo, or those justifying the cleansing of Rohingyas, or a principled spiritual opposition to vaccination.  Or the KKK.  And the first to attempt that answer – which is fraught and tricky – must be the parliament.

May an aged lapsed Protestant offer one comment?  I do not profess the faith, but my life has been shaped by the life and teaching of Jesus of Nazareth.  I am revolted that the loudest noise to support this new law comes from people who profess to lobby – that is their ghastly political phrase – for those who follow that faith, while supporting an apostle of hate, who is the brainwashed victim of a cruel cult that ought to have no place among us.

I will request my federal MP to oppose this bill until government comes clean about its purposes.  I am sick of government pussyfooting about and treating me as if I had come down in the last shower.  The effrontery of this government is boundless.  And we must urgently review any tax relief to those who threaten us with Hell.  They are outrageous.

Passing Bull 294 –Religion?

The Commonwealth, or at least the Prime Minister, feels the need to make a law about religion.  He has introduced a Religious Discrimination Bill.  I will take the government’s statements at face value.  To put it softly, there are plenty who don’t.  For reasons I will come to, my reading of the Bill hardly got past the definition section.

A lot of people argued that the Racial Discrimination Act goes too far in outlawing statements said to constitute racial discrimination.  The question for them is: What is it that the law forbids you to do today that you wish to be free to do tomorrow? 

A different question arises under this new law.  What are people free to do to you today which you would have the law forbid them from doing tomorrow? 

No one has ever suggested to me a plausible answer to either question.

But before we get to that, there is a prior question.  What is this law about?  If the Commonwealth wants to make a law about companies or race, it will say what it means by those words.  This bill does not define religion.  That is extraordinary – to put it at its lowest. 

What may or may not be classed as ‘religion’ is politically charged, as charged as the issue of state aid or tax relief to ‘religious’ schools.  Someone claiming to make a law about that might at least say what they mean – rather than leaving it to others to do so.  As people say now, that is kicking the can down the road – to people who have not been elected to make laws.

While I was President of the Tax Division of the Victorian AAT in 1987, I had to decide whether The Free Daist Communion of Australia Ltd was a body associated for religious purposes.  (Reported at (1987) 2 VAR 133.)  A man called Da Free John started The Dawn Horse Communion and The Laughing Man Institute.  The Crown did not allege fraud or a sham, but there was tension in our community because in 1983, the High Court had held that scientology was a religion – when most Australians thought that it was as fake as it was dishonest. 

In view of the position of the Crown, I thought I had to hold that this body was religious.  (And I think that was the only decision in 18 years adverse to the Crown that was not appealed.)

As I saw it, the two main criteria were belief in the supernatural – that bears on the conduct of the faithful.  Counsel for the Crown, Joseph Santamaria, a friend of mine, later that said my reasoning was: all religion is bull; this outfit is full of bull; therefore it is religious.  No, Joseph – but I did say that you do not disqualify a body from being religious merely by showing that it sounds stupid or fake.  Or evil.

‘Truth’ is not a criterion of faith.  And I am not aware of any scriptural foundation of a faith that does not contain some matter of division or hate, or some other threat to the common weal.  Ultimately people of faith are driven to the position that religious faith is unfounded – except for theirs.

The breadth of tolerance from the High Court troubled many people.  And it comes with a heavy price.  We are expressly warned that charlatanism is ‘a necessary price of religious freedom.’

Well, it is a matter for Catholics, Jews, Muslims and others whether they want to be put in the same box as the Church of Scientology.  The question is whether they will be joined by Muslims espousing the adoption of Sharia Law, or practitioners of Voodoo, or those justifying the cleansing of Rohingyas, or a principled spiritual opposition to vaccination.  Or the KKK.  And the first to attempt that answer – which is fraught and tricky – must be the parliament.

May an aged lapsed Protestant offer one comment?  I do not profess the faith, but my life has been shaped by the life and teaching of Jesus of Nazareth.  I am revolted that the loudest noise to support this new law comes from people who profess to lobby – that is their ghastly political phrase – for those who follow that faith, while supporting an apostle of hate, who is the brainwashed victim of a cruel cult that ought to have no place among us.

I will request my federal MP to oppose this bill until government comes clean about its purposes.  I am sick of government pussyfooting about and treating me as if I had come down in the last shower.  The effrontery of this government is boundless.  And we must urgently review any tax relief to those who threaten us with Hell.  They are outrageous.

Religion – Cults – Morrison – ACL

Passing Bull 291 The Press

Does this quote from Balzac’s Lost Illusions bring anyone to mind in the Australian media?

Journalism, so far from being in the hands of a priesthood, came to be first a party weapon, and then a commercial speculation, carried on without conscience or scruple, like other commercial speculations. Every newspaper, as Blondet says, is a shop to which people come for opinions of the right shade. If there were a paper for hunchbacks, it would set forth plainly, morning and evening, in its columns, the beauty, the utility, and necessity of deformity. A newspaper is not supposed to enlighten its readers, but to supply them with congenial opinions. Give any newspaper time enough, and it will be base, hypocritical, shameless, and treacherous; the periodical press will be the death of ideas, systems, and individuals; nay, it will flourish upon their decay. It will take the credit of all creations of the brain; the harm that it does is done anonymously. We, for instance—I, Claude Vignon; you, Blondet; you, Lousteau; and you, Finot—we are all Platos, Aristides, and Catos, Plutarch’s men, in short; we are all immaculate; we may wash our hands of all iniquity. Napoleon’s sublime aphorism, suggested by his study of the Convention, ‘No one individual is responsible for a crime committed collectively,’ sums up the whole significance of a phenomenon, moral or immoral, whichever you please. However shamefully a newspaper may behave, the disgrace attaches to no one person.

Passing Bull 292 Hypocrisy of the Prime Minister

The hypocrisy of Scott Morrison defies belief.  (Have you met anyone who believes that he is fit for the job of Prime Minister?)  He wants to abolish the ABC, in conformity with the requirements of Rupert Murdoch, and he wants a government inquiry into it.  He resists proper inquiry into the manifest corruption of which his whole government smells. 

I was the risk manager of a large law firm for fifteen years, but you do not need that experience to see just how risky this man is.  He not intelligent.  He is not aware of how unintelligent he is.  And he gets that blindness from God.  He is therefore as safe as Guy Fawkes. 

My heart therefore goes out to a 75year old lady from Richmond, Lynette Payne.  Her letter to The Age today concludes ‘There will be riots in the streets if the ABC is privatised/abolished, and I will be one of the rioters.’  Atta girl, Lyn – and I will be there with you, shoulder to shoulder.  There is also a letter from Glenda McNaught of East Melbourne.  If she is the person I think she is, she knows all about preppy dopes with ideas above their station.  She catalogues the grosser failings of Mr Morrison – and then mentions the one thing he got right.  He appointed Ita Buttrose the chair of the ABC.  Hit them right where it hurts most, Ita.

Western Civilisation – Again

A federal minister, who keeps bad company, wants us to teach history after the Japanese model – drop the dirty bits and set up a halo.  This is not surprising since this is the modus operandi of the minister’s chosen media for contemporary politics – at least as politics are practised, if that is the word, by those of the minister’s persuasion.  A mild comment on the difficulty in that case was met by a storm of dogma that was sadly identifiable.  I had thought that the argument, if that is the term, had gone the way of the flat earth – or the position of our coal mining brethren on the environment.

I set out below some remarks about civilisation and the rule of law from a book I wrote some years ago now.

Even Oxbridge has given up on calling ancient Greece and Rome ‘civilised’.  Each was based on empire and slavery.  Each treated women as doormats and each buggered their boys.  Each arrogantly regarded outsiders as barbarians.  Each practised primitive religions not yet informed of the sanctity of life or the dignity of humanity.  They could not be part of the Judaeo-Christian tradition because they both had flowered, and one had died, before Christ was born, and if they had heard of the Jews, they regarded them with contempt.  The most you could say of Athens and Rome is that they might be seen as stepping stones on the way to civilisation.  Like neolithic man.  Or the apes.

The discussion is even sillier in the context of our democracy.  We subscribe to what is called the ‘Westminster system’ – or we did before we started to dismantle it in my lifetime.  That, as the name suggests, is British.  Our constitution derives from that of Britain. 

It in turn derives from the common law and its history.  And the critical point of departure for the common law is its explicit rejection of Roman law. 

Our whole political mindset is alarmingly Anglo-Saxon.  If you want to go beyond England for the source of our laws, you go not to Athens or Rome, but to Germany.  Indeed, as a great American historian of our laws remarked, they are more German than those of Germany. 

And, by a quirk of history, our constitutional laws are more Protestant than those of Germany.  Neither England nor Australia can have a Catholic head of state; and only someone quite unbalanced would refer to a Muslim or Jew in that position.  This is a source of amusement to those who wish to change that disposition for us – and who meet bitter opposition from among those who are excluded.

Finally, may I come back to civilisation?  As indicated below, I do not think you can describe a nation as civilised if it tolerates slavery.  Almost all of the positive action to contain that evil, the very denial of civilisation, came from Britain – and from the Quakers and the Church of England.  This was their triumph, and one for which all mankind can be grateful. 

The Church of Rome was not up for that fight – for reasons its more vocal supporters may care to ponder.

‘Civilization’

The Oxford English Dictionary defines ‘civilize’ as ‘to make civil; to bring out of a state of barbarism, to instruct in the arts of life; to enlighten and refine’.  People who extol ancient Greece and Rome as ‘civilised’ obviously use the word in this final sense.  They see ‘enlightenment’ and ‘refinement’ as being enough to outweigh the barbarity of slavery or their many-godded naturalistic religions.  They see civilisation even though neither Greece nor Rome had then been blessed with the respect for the dignity of each human life that is at the foundation of the Judaeo-Christian tradition and which is elemental to our concept of ‘civilisation’.  Unlike Hamlet, the ancients had notheard the beautiful notion ‘that there is a special providence in the fall of a sparrow.’

In his wonderful TV series and book, Civilisation, Kenneth Clark asked what civilisation is.  He said: ‘I don’t know.  I can’t define it in abstract terms – yet.’  He then compared a tribal African mask to a sculpture of the 4th century B C, the Apollo of the Belvedere.  He said ‘I don’t think that there is any doubt that the Apollo embodies a higher state of civilisation from the mask.’  He supported that claim in this way.

There was plenty of superstition and cruelty in the Graeco-Roman world.  But, all the same, the contrast between these images means something.  It means that at certain epochs man has felt conscious of something about himself – body and spirit – which was outside the day-to-day struggle for existence and the night-to-night struggle with fear; and he has felt the need to develop these quantities of thought and feeling so that they might approach as nearly as possible to an ideal of perfection – reason, justice, physical beauty, all of them in equilibrium.  He has managed to satisfy this need in various ways – through myths, through dance and song, through systems of philosophy and through the order that he has imposed on the physical world.  The children of the imagination are also the expressions of an ideal.

It is curious that Clark made no reference to ‘the arts’, ‘enlightenment’ or the ‘refinement’ of the OED – they are most emphatically what his series and book were all about.  We find there very few references to myths, music, dance, or philosophy.  Instead, we now hear of a quest for ‘an ideal of perfection’ which will apparently do enough to balance ‘the superstition and cruelty in the Graeco-Roman world.’

There are at least three issues with the notions identified in the OED or by Kenneth ClarkFirst, most people could not give a hoot about and do not appreciate the kinds of enlightenment or refinement referred to; indeed, most people in a pub would have trouble in following just what Clark was saying. 

Then the relative terms are in any event very plastic.  Views may differ on what is art, what is refined, or what is enlightened, or what might be seen as an attempt to reach the ideal of perfection.  What if a member of the tribe represented by the African mask did not think much of the Apollo of the Belvedere?  By what criteria might a product of the Western Establishment say that the black man was wrong?  What might we say about the adverse reaction of a slave from the sweat of whose brow the Apollo was wrought?  I might say that if I were choosing art for my home or place of work, I would much prefer the African mask to the Apollo of the Belvedere; but, then, I like aboriginal art, which would have been foreign to Clark, and pop art, which would have appalled him.  The fact that the Apollo is a ludicrously idealised and stylised portrait of a vain pagan god that Napoleon looted from the Vatican does not add to its charms.

And, finally, it is not much good having a refined ear for Mozart’s Requiem if you can be murdered in your bed, or your having a Ph D for analysing the downward smile of the Mona Lisa of Da Vinci if you can be cast into prison forever on the mere say so of a prince or a bishop – or if you just cannot get enough food or water to live.

In my view, most people in the West now have a different view of what the word ‘civilised’ should mean.  They would, I believe, go along with something like the following.  In my view a nation or people cannot call itself civilised unless each of the following five criteria is met. 

  • It has a moral code that respects the person and the dignity and the right to property of each person in the group. 
  • It has a mature and stable form of democratic government that is willing and reasonably able enforce that respect and those rights, and to preserve its own democratic structure.  (I have opted for democracy because it seems to be the fairest mode of government and to be the best able to deliver the other objectives.)
  • It observes the rule of law – as described below – and it seeks to protect the legal rights of its members. 
  • Its working is not clogged or threatened by corruption. 
  • It seeks to allow its members to be able to subsist and, after providing for their subsistence, to have sufficient leisure to pursue happiness or improvement in such ways as they may choose, provided that they do not harm others. 

Put differently, a group of people may be said to be ‘civilised’ to the extent that its members are ‘civil’ to others.

You will have seen that my definition makes no reference to refinement or enlightenment or to ‘the arts’ or the ‘ideal’.  This is because I view government much like I view education.  The object of education is to teach people reading, writing, and arithmetic – any grace, taste, or faith they may get from that source will be a bonus.  I see government as there to protect us from each other and from itself – any refinement or enlightenment is, for the most part, a matter for us and not government. 

On the other hand, I can imagine people wanting to refer to religion in their criteria – historically, at least, the first of my criteria is based on religion – and also to some kind of social equality and a refuge or safety net for those who do not do so well, but I am conscious of the difficulty in getting agreement at these edges.  The requirement of ‘legal equality’ does, however, come in under the rule of law, below.

If a definition like that set out above were to be applied, then no state could have been regarded as civilised until about the beginning of the twentieth century, and then only in the West.  I do not think that such a suggestion would seem odd to men and women in the street today in London, Paris, Berlin, or New York.   I think that public opinion in the West has moved on since the Holocaust and Hiroshima, and that we attach more weight to the protection of human rights and dignity, and from our own annihilation, than some impossibly enlightened and refined works of art whose real secrets are not revealed to the unwashed.

In any event, you can make up your own mind on when in your view any nation ought or ought not to be able to call itself ‘civilised.’  No historian can play God.  But you may wish to bear in mind the different meanings of civilisation, or the weights to be given to its parts, and you might ask this question – did either ancient Athens or ancient Rome satisfy any of the five criteria set out above?  How many do you think that either satisfies now?

‘Rule of law’

The first element identified by the English jurist A V Dicey for the rule of law was the absolute supremacy of regular law over arbitrary power. This was the supremacy of law over people.  Aristotle had, after all, said that ‘the rule of law is preferable to that of any individual.’  Any king or dictator or Roman emperor who was above the law therefore did not preside over a state that was subject to the rule of law.

The second aspect of Dicey was equality before the law, or the equal subjection of all classes to the ordinary laws of the land.  Slavery and imperial subjection are equally out of the question.

The third part is characteristic of the common law, the general law in large part based on precedents in the courts.  We see the constitution as the result of the ordinary law of the land.  The constitution is not the source, but the consequence, of the rights of individuals.  The constitution is itself part of the common law.  The Europeans tend to see it the other way around – they see private rights deriving from public institutions.  Dicey said, ‘Our constitution, in short, is a judge-made constitution, and it bears on its face all the features, good and bad, of judge made law’

Dealing with greedy lawyers who are crooks

1

This is a story of events of the kind that a great Dutch historian, writing of medieval Europe, described as ‘vehement pathos’ and ‘proud and cruel publicity’.

Banksia was a company involved in accepting money invested in it in return for the security of debentures and then lending that money out to borrowers in return for the security of mortgages.  It collapsed in October 2012 – nine years ago.  It owed $663M to its debenture holders, many of whom were elderly people in rural Victoria.  The mortgagors owed Banksia $527M.  There was therefore plenty of room for salvage – provided the mortgages in fact gave security. 

Entrepreneurial lawyers went to Kyabram in rural Victoria to start an action for the investors.  So began oceans of litigious controversy that still rage – although two key lawyers driving the original claim confessed in August 2020 to fraud and lost their tickets to practise law. 

When you get sued by old people in the bush who have been taken for a ride, you find yourself kicking into a stiff breeze – which becomes a gale when bent lawyers surface. (As a rough guide, try acting for a bank seeking to evict a widow before Christmas.)  But there is no point in the victims’ beating their culprits to pulp if there is nothing in the till at the other end.

Those who think that lawyers are not concerned with the merits, or that judges have no emotion, do not know what they are talking about.  And parts of the press are full of them. 

2

After more than fifty years in practice, I can state my views on practising law shortly. 

We have made a mess of the law – a really bad mess.  On the substantive law, government is equally to blame.  The statutes just get longer and murkier.  And laws passed outside parliament are more prone to express what some Germans call the ‘will’ of the ‘State’ – as in the responses to the pandemic. 

But on procedural issues – what happens in courts and tribunals – the mess is nearly all down to us.  We used to complain that government did not provide enough judges.  But those days are past.  We must first get our own act together.  We are the ones who are responsible for the way people get to resolve their disputes – either between themselves or with their government. 

It is therefore no mere fiction to say that lawyers are officers of the courts or tribunals.  We have duties over and above those we have to our clients.  That can of course give rise to tension – but it is for the most part manageable.

In the result, our job is clear.  It is to put our clients into the revolving door of what Sir Owen Dixon called ‘the judgment hall’ at one end and get them out at the other end as soon as we decently can, and with as little mud on their face and as small a hole in their pocket as possible.

And that obligation sits most squarely on the judges for what happens in their courts and on those presiding over tribunals.  It was the judges who made the common law after hearing the arguments of counsel.  It is the judges who are responsible for providing a fair trial for those who are before them.  And a fair trial is in my view one that seeks to achieve the objective that I have set out above.

As it happens, that objective is firmly reflected in a famous clause of our first statute – which is still part of the law of Victoria.  In clause 40 of Magna Carta, the Crown gave an undertaking in the royal plural: ‘To none will we sell, to none will we deny or delay right and justice.’  What could be simpler?

3

Now, in considering the ban on selling justice, we need to recall that for the most part lawyers are paid for the part they play.  At the time of Magna Carta, people were divided into three classes – those who fought, those who prayed, and those who worked – but someone had to put food on the table for the first two.  (And it was a great achievement for the lawyers whose profession began to emerge then that they destroyed the monopoly of intellect previously claimed by the clergy.)

There will inevitably be some tension is squaring the need of lawyers to be paid with the professional obligations imposed on them as set out above.  It is the same for doctors – and in other professions.  It is just a fact of life, and I know of no ground for suggesting that we get more rotten apples from lawyers than from, say, doctors, police, or others in government. 

And lawyers know that if they misbehave and get caught, they will be dealt with very sternly, because they hold positions of trust, and breaches of trust attract much harder penalties than breaches of contract or mere carelessness.

4

In the thirty or so years during which I presided over civil tribunals, I sought to keep before me the objectives I have set out above.  In doing so, I tried to learn from the astounding record of Lord Mansfield. 

I know of no finer trial judge.  Lord Mansfield was Lord Chief Justice for 32 years.  His Lordship regularly cleared his whole list.  He did so by the unflinching control he kept over his cases.  Mansfield saw that delays in the law are not for the most part caused by litigants, but by their lawyers, and by clients who do not have a reasonable case.  His job was to keep those delays to a minimum. 

Mansfield well knew why lawyers engage in delay.  One of his biographers says ‘One of the duties of the court is to protect the litigants from their own legal advisers.’  (If it matters, that biographer was a Master in Chancery – and presumably not therefore some ‘activist’ or ‘radical’ or some other undesirable who gives the shivers to the Murdoch press.)  We cannot now believe the number of cases Mansfield disposed of each year.  Mansfield told Boswell that he decided about seven hundred causes a year, and the vast researches of Professor Oldham of Georgetown University are consistent with that figure. 

Above all, Mansfield understood that the ‘symptom of judicial anaemia was the congestion of litigation’ and that ‘the law was to be justified to the litigant.’

5

The decision in Banksiawas an exercise in protecting litigants from their own legal advisers.  How does it measure up in that endeavour against the issues I have referred to above?

As indicated, the case involved an award of very large legal fees and commission to those involved in funding and fighting a large claim that concluded in a settlement of $64 million – legal fees of about $5 million and commission of about $14 million.

Such a case would have been impossible when I started more than fifty years ago.  There are obviously problems of conflicts of interest in allowing lawyers to have a slice of the action.  Those problems get more serious when a trading company is involved in funding the action.  There is a head on collision between the paramount drive for profit in capitalism and the refined doctrines of equity about the high obligations of good faith imposed on those who hold positions of trust.  Things were even worse here because lawyers held a stake in the funder – about which they dissembled. 

6

But all these niceties went clean out the window when the evidence revealed that the lawyers were seeking to obtain financial gain by deception.  That’s called theft. 

To allow these issues to be aired fully, the court had appointed lawyers to make the case against those claiming the millions.  The office has the quaint name of Contradictor, and it resembles the role of counsel assisting in a royal commission.

Most of this is utterly foreign to me.  You may as well be talking about standards of conduct in the Kasbah in Tangiers or Morocco.  But two things come to mind.  First, we at the Bar have always been used to contingent fees – as a matter of fact.  If you are acting for a worker injured at work, you do not get paid unless you get it from the employer by settlement or verdict.  There the facts of life, and common decency, trump high doctrine. 

And if you go to Harvard to learn about class actions, the first thing that the lecturer tells sceptical lawyers from other places is that many of the movements in human rights in the US have come from this kind of process.  (That has not happened here because although the English Bill of Rights is still part of our law, we have not entrenched it so that it can be sued on – for which relief, much thanks.)

7

The Banksia hearing on costs and commission took place over 35 sitting days in and between July 2020 and March 2021.  There were three plaintiffs, including the Contradictor, and seven defendants.  There were eight law firms – and not small ones – involved, and at one time or other eighteen members of the Bar were in court.  So, for about 35 sitting days, more than twenty lawyers were hard at it.  The hearing was I gather streamed live and avidly followed by a lot of underemployed lawyers.  It was, I am told, high theatre – although I doubt whether the affected elderly around Rochester and Tongala would have been glued to their screens.

At one time or other, eight silks appeared.  My clerk tells me the range of fees for silks in such a case is currently between about $10,000 and $20,000 a day, and about $3000 to $5000 for junior counsel.  So, let’s put two counsel down for, say, $20,000 a day between them for each party.  (The press says Brett Walker charges $25,000 a day.  My understanding is that he is not alone, and that that figure may be light.  Institutions like BHP and the Vatican can afford those fees, plus rich people like Clive Palmer – who is very quick on the draw – but it is all just Fantasyland to the rest of us.) 

I am told that firms like those involved in this case would be likely to bill about $15,000 per day of the hearing plus a healthy hit outside that.  So each of the ten parties to this case, or at least those most actively involved, might be looking at a figure for costs of about $35,000 a day.  That is probably a lot more than the average investor tipped in – if there are many still living.  That would give a figure well north of $250,000 a day for the hearing across the parties.  Plus the costs of running the court. 

I could be way out on those figures, but there will have to be a full accounting of how trust funds were disbursed.  And we will then all see.  You do not have to be au fait with Story on Equity Jurisprudence to know that the obligation to account inheres in any relation of trust and confidence.  The judgment records that ‘as at 31 December 2020, the Contradictor and the SPR (Banksia receivers) had incurred approximately $7 million and $3 million in costs, respectively.’ 

Mercifully, I have only been involved in a couple of those extravaganzas, which quickly develop a life of their own, but as you go into the court room, you can feel a kind of hum of contentment as the meters tick happily on.

8

The recovery proceedings were commenced on Christmas Eve 2012.  Banksia was wound up in June 2014.  The recovery proceedings were settled, but the Court of Appeal sent the settlement back to a single judge in November 2018 to consider the claim for costs and commission.  The Court appointed the Contradictor.  It later added defendants. 

An interim judgment on those issues was given in October 2021.  The judgment runs to 696 pages.  It more resembles the report of a royal commission than the judgment of a court on an issue of costs and a claim for commission.  There are issues outstanding, and I have not referred to a welter of other cases arising from the collapse of Banksia.

9

When Hamlet considered whether he should toss the towel in permanently, one of the things that got him down was ‘the law’s delay.’  But there was also the ‘oppressor’s wrong, the proud man’s contumely….the insolence of office.’  Well, his Honour had plenty of all that before him. 

But he also had before him a frightful consummation of our two biggest failings in this profession – cost and delay; greed and not so much sloth as timidity, and failure of nerve. 

In commenting on what I regard as an unholy mess and a disaster for those old people in the country, I wish to make it clear that I am not criticising the judge.  On the contrary, in my view, his conduct of the case was a model of its kind under the present system.  (And I might also say that I impute no lack of care to those performing the difficult part of the Contradictor.) 

It is the system that I find wanting.  And for that, we are all responsible.

Nine years after Banksia collapsed, the litigation is still going on, and in the pursuit of crooked lawyers, the lawyers have been paid millions of dollars that dwarf the costs sought to be stolen by the crooks.  It is not hard to imagine the tone of the seniors’ conversation at the Kyabram RSL.  More like Jack Cade than Hamlet.  (Jack Cade was a heavy booted populist before his time.  The first plank in his policy was that suggested by Dick the Butcher, to ‘kill all the lawyers’.)

10

There is no doubt that the two main blots on our name – delay and expense – are joined together.  The longer the case goes, the more money the lawyers make out of it.  The punters want to get out of it as quickly as they can.  The lawyers are professionally obliged to help them do just that – quite apart from what any act of parliament might say.  But the lawyers have a real financial interest in doing just the opposite. 

There you have a definitive conflict of duty and interest in those who hold positions of trust – the lawyers.  And the law says such office holders must avoid getting into such a position.

The rot started to set in about when I started in the law.  The brief to a barrister had to be marked with a ‘brief fee’.  You charged for one conference, but otherwise that fee took you through the first day of trial.  After that you could mark a ‘refresher’ of two thirds of that fee for each succeeding given period.  Except for the most down at heel, counsel had no incentive to prolong the case; au contraire. 

Then time charging began to come in.  When Daryl Dawson took silk, I moved to the chambers of Bill Ormiston.  I cleared his desk in the long vacation.  One brief was for the Deputy Commissioner of Taxation on an issue of credit.  When Bill got back, he said the Commonwealth was lousy on brief fees, but they paid for preparation.  It may not surprise us if it was the Commonwealth that breached the dam.  They always seem to have lots of money to play with.  But they forget that it is ours, not theirs.

11

Not only have we as a profession failed to contain the demon of time charging, we have made it much worse by the way we manage disputes when they go to court.  Starting in about the mid-eighties, the judges started to control each phase of managing the case before it got to trial.  It happened in commercial lists in the Supreme Court and across the field in the Federal Court.  They ordered people to take steps.  That costs money, as it does to attend court to argue about procedure.  Then they ordered books of documents to be prepared.  This became the bane of young solicitors and drove many of them from this part of the law.  Not enough barristers, and therefore judges, have seen at first hand the maelstrom that is unleashed in a law office when these come to be prepared.  It is very demeaning.

And then came the worst and most insulting step of the lot.  The witnesses were ordered to give their evidence in chief in writing – with the help of their lawyers.  This was a disaster in every way.  It extended and demeaned the process and left the punter wondering what it was all about.  These problems have been catalogued many times.

And all this intervention by the judges did little to dispel the always latent threat of a sense of grandeur among them – and it moved them closer to the inquisitorial model.  They began to drift from common law and the settling presence of the jury.  You could almost sense a fall-off in the restraint of judges back in my new days. 

The threat from the Federal Court did not help with this.  Nor did the creation of a permanent Court of Appeal.  Divisions lead to tensions, and they worry the punters – and they encourage the lawyers.

(Whatever else the Federal Court was set up for, it was not to hear libel actions.  Historically, they were tried before juries – for good reason.  Not in this court.  The results are out of this world.  After an inquiry into the theatre, we now have one into the theatre of war.  Its longevity will challenge that of Banksia.  Instead of monosyllabic responses from the jury, we will get a re-write of War and Peace.   And the costs of these feeding frenzies are breathtaking.  The Commonwealth Attorney-General gets a mere $300,000 or so a year.  So his libel action was far beyond his means – and then he got into trouble for the way he sought to fund it.  Litigation funding is indeed fraught.  Do we lawyers not see people losing whatever faith they may have had in the justice system?)

12

And while we were making it so hard and expensive for the punters to get to trial, we were steadfastly refusing to set time limits within the trial – for the purpose of managing the hearing and making it as short as decently possible. 

The Greeks did so at the time of the trial of Socrates.  Our High Court does it.  The two most elevated courts in the world do it.  But, in the work place where the punters get to take the heat, we refuse to do it.  Why not?   Is there any improvement on inertia and timidity – and plain want of care?

And that’s before you get to the marathon hurdle race that we make our judges endure when charging a jury.  You would give an American judge very bad nightmares if you showed them one of our off the shelf charges to a jury.  Or what an appeals court does to a deviant trial judge.

So, that is one problem that Banksia shows us – the conflict of duty and interest that we see in lawyers involved in litigation.

13

Next, there is a real sense in which the Court is exposed to conflict.  It has at least two relevant duties.  One is to provide a fair trial.  In the language of a statute I will come to, I would think that that duty is ‘overarching’ or ‘paramount’.  The other duty of the Court is to see that the lawyers who are its officers are behaving as they should. 

The investors have at most a limited interest in the latter.  They just want to get as much of their money back out of this disaster as they can.  If the disciplinary role of the Court hinders it in looking after the investors, then the investors are against it. 

Banksia collapsed in October 2012.  Recovery proceedings started that year.  They involved allegations of fault against those managing the business of the company.  The settlement of those claims led to this litigation.  That involves allegations of dishonesty against their own lawyers – who became the next targets for the investors.  But nine years after the collapse of Banksia, the litigation is still going – and eating up the fund that was meant for them. 

The principal malefactors were the lawyers.  The two counsel confessed in August 2020.  As I see it, this trial then ran for more than twenty sitting days.  The expenditure of that time and money may have been both necessary and desirable in the interests of justice for the people of Victoria as a whole. 

But was that the case for the investors?  The final days of these aging Australians in the bush, who would not have in their number many with a sophisticated acquaintance with business or the law, have been blighted.  It is not easy to think of litigants who have been hard done by as much as these – those still living.  And we lawyers are to blame – whichever way you look at it.

As you might imagine, lawyers have been agog about this case.  But many seem to have been more worried about the effect on themselves than the investors who have been the victims – twice.  It is trite but true that the most important person in the court is the loser.  The malefactors will get their deserts.  The real losers in all this litigation are the investors. 

But that is not how we treat them in our judgments.  We do not write those for the parties.  The prospect of an investor reading nearly 700 pages is next to nil.  There is not much reference to the pain and suffering of the real losers.

14

May I now say something more about the policing or disciplinary function? 

There are many references to the Civil Procedure Act 2010.  I have only ever looked at that as a litigant, and I wondered what on earth it all meant.  It looked like motherhood in the grand style.  Were not people under these obligations before the act was passed?  What do the terms ‘overarching’ and ‘paramount’ mean?  They are terms of Roman law and the codes.  They are not the way of the common law.  Attempts at the entrenchment of very large ideas are very dangerous – as our High Court found for the first ninety years of its existence with the words ‘absolutely free.’  And you risk the sort of problem you get with company and tax laws – you clog the system up with so much detailed regulation that you are in danger of forgetting or not applying what Sir Owen Dixon called basal principles. 

This act looks to me to be the kind of law that is longer on aspiration than consequence, and that was written by people who have not spent much time in the trenches.  The casual entrenchment, in s. 26, of the process of discovery, that wanton child of the Court of Chancery, is in my view a disaster.  Discovery is one of the main processes that has sent our litigation clean off the rails and put costs through the roof, and the wording of the section could be Christmas for any bush lawyer.  In a process that is related to trial by battle, it is novel to have a procedure that depends on your placing trust in your adversary.

But the statute does give the parties and the judges a kind of weapon.  Judges frequently invoke it against slow or slippery litigants – in ways I think that would have elevated at least one eye-brow of Lord Mansfield.  But you do not often see a court applying the act to itself. 

15

Well, the effects of ss. 7, 8 and 9 of the act are that the Court must act so as to is ‘to facilitate the just, efficient, timely and cost-effective resolution of the real issues in dispute.’  The Court must do that, and in doing so, it must  have regard to the ‘just determination of the case; the public interest in the early settlement of disputes by agreement between parties; the efficient conduct of the business of the court; the efficient use of judicial and administrative resources; minimising any delay between the commencement of a case and its listing for trial beyond that reasonably required for any interlocutory steps that are necessary: and the timely determination of the case’.  And in doing all that, they have to act in a manner that ‘is proportionate to the complexity or importance of the issues in dispute; and the amount in dispute’. 

People in business and those experienced lawyers that act for them, including me, would say that the last is by far the most important issue.  Plenty of sensible people I know in business refuse as a matter of policy to go near a court unless the alternative is Hiroshima.  And I do very little to try to shift them.  It closely resembles my attitude to surgery – you only submit if the alternative does not bear thinking about.

Now, that part of the act is a bit of a mouthful.  But the act is like that.  The question then becomes: have the courts involved in this litigation since it started in 2012 discharged the statutory duty that they owe to the people of Victoria?

Those holding up the bar at Hurley’s on the main drag in Kyabram would laugh mordantly at anyone silly enough to put the question.  But the mood could get very ugly if some smooth talking suit from the Big Smoke – not another one of those! – sought to maintain the contrary.  They know too well the grief that this shocking rolling disaster has brought to ordinary decent people near to them.

The judgment commenced by citing some remarks about the reliability of counsel made by an English baron who held the office of Master of the Rolls in 1837.  Those remarks do sound alarmingly Victorian now.  Right at the end of the judgment, after a painstaking analysis of ultra-complex issues beyond the comprehension of most lawyers, let alone those people retiring in northern Victoria, his Honour said:

From my ‘ringside’ perspective, I saw no reason to be concerned about the efficacy or regulation of group proceedings or litigation funding as pathways for access to justice, or about the capacity of the legal system to properly self-regulate.

This judgment also records the restorative capacity of the civil justice system to protect fundamental values, to protect its integrity through the commitment of the judiciary and the profession to preserve, maintain and nourish the common law’s absolute commitment to the proper administration of justice. Ultimately, despite the best efforts of the Contraveners, the spoils were never divided.

Elsewhere, His Honour said:

The civil justice system protected the litigants, but not without some damage in the public eye to its integrity. It is infinitely more difficult to regain the community’s trust than it is to condemn, in the strongest possible terms, the appalling conduct I have documented.

Perhaps most worryingly for the community, is the finding of the Court that but for this process, the crimes would have gone undetected:

Had any of the Contraveners properly discharged the overarching obligations they contravened, the dishonest and fraudulent scheme uncovered by the Contradictor would never have been devised, and the need for such a wide ranging and expensive enquiry would have been avoided. I am satisfied that, but for this remitter, the contravening conduct would never have been uncovered.

That finding might also be of interest to the Fraud and Extortion Squad.  (I understand that a police superintendent gets paid about $173,000 a year – which is at a very different rate to those engaged in this part of the Banksia process.)    If it costs more to detect an attempted theft than the amount sought to be stolen, our peril is mortal.  And ironically, it was the felt need to revert to the adversarial model, by the appointment of a Contradictor, which sent the price hike into overdrive.

16

We are, as I follow it, in large part talking about how trust moneys have been applied.  All litigation is a form legal gambling.  That’s not something you ordinarily do with moneys held on trust. 

There is obviously an exemption here, but we need to understand how the underlying principles governing the treatment of the investment of trust assets have been observed in this case.  We after all talking about litigation funded to look into the unlawful behaviour of those funding and acting in the main recovery action.  This is the clean-up of a dreadful mess inflicted on decent people by dreadful lawyers.  It would be idle to suggest that the lawyers involved in the clean-up must be models of that fine old term – prudence.

Some of the language in the judgment suggests that the aura of a crusade hung over parts of this case.  If contained by ordinary notions of restraint appropriate to our profession, that is fine – provided it helps to advance the relief sought by the investors.  Jailing malefactors will not of itself get them any of their money back.  Indeed, it may leave them worse off by leading insurers to deny indemnity and leave any money claim worthless.  It may be like having your new Benz crashed into by some clown who then tells the police that he was drunk.

17

Lawyers do not ordinarily advise people to chance their arm in the judgment hall after suffering some wrong unless they have a reasonable assurance that their prospects of winding up better than they are warrant their embarking on that course. 

The investors got such an assurance before they started the main action.  Who gave it when they prosecuted the action after the settlement?   Who was responsible for monitoring that advice for the benefit of the investors during the long months of the hearing this time round – and by reference to what legal criteria?  If the pursuit ceased to be worth it, who should have said what to whom – and when?  What evidence was there about the worth of the defendants? 

The judgment refers to Professional Indemnity insurance, but it does not cover crime; any cover for negligence may be unlikely to extend to these claims – even for costs; and big hitting lawyers, especially those from big firms, usually insulate their assets.  Even if a fidelity fund were answerable, that would involve the tab being picked up by people who were not at fault and otherwise responsible for the loss.  In some of the myriad decisions, you will find references to the potential liability of others standing behind the defendants.  This is one of those fringes of this nightmare that gets very murky.

May I refer to some remarks I made about Clausewitz On War (in a book yet to be published)? 

Who could disagree with the following?

‘No one starts a war – or rather no one in his senses ought to do so – without first being clear in his mind what he intends to achieve by that war and how he intends to conduct it’.

That simple common sense was forgotten – outrageously – in Vietnam and Iraq and it now looks to have been forgotten by all parties in Syria.  It is also a question that needs to be raised and answered – with ruthless persistence and honesty – by anyone contemplating that form of judicial duel that we know as litigation.  As the Commentary to the Folio edition remarks, the ‘war in Vietnam had every possible kind and degree of incoherence both of objective and of method.’  Exactly the same could be said of Iraq, Afghanistan, and Syria – and far, far too much litigation.  What on earth did they have in mind?  And I expect that similar questions may be put for many examples of surgical intervention – even if you don’t see war as a gross form of surgery.  If I may be forgiven the platitude, surgery, like war, involves invasion.

The question is then – in the events that have happened, are the investors better off for what we have done for them since the intervention of the Court of Appeal than they were before that?  Perhaps the question should be – where should they be now if we had acted decently from the time that they first sought our help?

In looking at that question, we must ask whether we, and in particular the judges, have sought to follow the teaching of Lord Mansfield that I referred to above. 

One of the duties of the court is to protect the litigants from their own legal advisers.

Remember that this decision is just one of many involving Banksia.  Huge sums of costs have been run up in Victoria and New South Wales, in appeals, including one to the High Court, and one party flagged a possible proceeding against an insurer direct. 

I suppose that someone could tell how much has gone from the fund on lawyers so far.  What the investors will be asking is: Do you think what we ever get back might equal what the lawyers have taken out?  Or might the court be told that the parties have finally reached the ghastly milestone of Bleak House – the till is empty? 

People asked similar questions about the cost of the Melbourne Response of the Catholic Church to claims against it for abuse by priests.  (Curiously, Corrs acted for the Church there and for the Contradictor in the present case, a happenstance for which the partners must be duly grateful.)

It is clear from the terms of the judgment that the Court was troubled by the need imposed by statute to watch the proportion of costs to the amount in dispute.  We lawyers get squeamish about costs – usually for good reason. 

I have had to look at them in four different capacities – solicitor, barrister, client, and tribunal member.  (In the Taxation Division, we decided not to follow the common law rule that costs usually follow the event.  We left that issue at large where taxpayers were questioning the conduct of the Crown, and where government had its own interests in getting a ruling – if necessary by going as far as the High Court.) 

It is hard to see how a court can monitor the proportion of costs to the amount in dispute without knowing what those costs are – and that may lead to a level of intervention far greater than what we thought was either necessary or desirable in the past.  And some mild blushing at the bar table.

But the Court here was actively involved in how the process was structured.  The parties had settled.  The court approved the settlement.  There was an appeal.  That meant that a Contradictor had to be appointed.  Then the court added defendants.  The sky-rocketing of costs followed directly from court interventions. 

One of the issues that troubled the Court of Appeal was the capacity of the litigation funder to lead to conflicts of interest in any settlement.  This was a major consideration in their holding that the trial judge should have appointed a Contradictor.

The burden on the court should not be increased by terms of settlement that inhibit parties from assisting the court. Here, the judge’s refusal to appoint a contradictor, which was motivated by a desire to avoid costs, failed to adequately come to grips with the potential for conflict and the need to ameliorate the burden on the court in assessing the appropriateness of the claimed commission and costs.

The felt need ‘to ameliorate the burden on the court’ may look more than a little wan now to the investors in the country wondering where all the money and time have gone.

In chapter 39 of Bleak House, Dickens laid out his horrible indictment of Chancery then.

The one great principle of the English law is to make business for itself. There is no other principle distinctly, certainly, and consistently maintained through all its narrow turnings. Viewed by this light it becomes a coherent scheme and not the monstrous maze the laity are apt to think it. Let them but once clearly perceive that its grand principle is to make business for itself at their expense, and surely they will cease to grumble.

Then in chapter 65 comes the unthinkable.

“Mr. Kenge,” said Allan, appearing enlightened all in a moment. “Excuse me, our time presses. Do I understand that the whole estate is found to have been absorbed in costs?”

It does not bear thinking about that in the next millennium, we might be seeing the rebirth of Dickens’ Court of Chancery.

18

So, they are some of the troubling questions coming out of what Churchill may have called a ‘colossal’ professional ‘disaster’ – and, above all, a ghastly human tragedy. 

Before I conclude, may I say something further here about some of the fees I have quoted?  This has always been a sensitive area for those at the top of my profession at any one time.  Responsible lawyers at the peak of the profession and at the top of the market have to justify getting paid what the free market will bear in return for their achieved excellence – against the possibility that the public will merely see them as Gordon Gecko revived. 

The incomes of top silks and leading partners in the big firms now approach those of senior bank executives.  And they are as a breed right on the public nose, fairly or otherwise, because they are seen as appropriating great swathes of public money for no other reason than that they can – and they then get the nod from those in that timid incestuous breed that has claimed the boardrooms.

I was heavily involved in the battle for BHP in 1986 on both sides of the profession.  It may have been the biggest litigation in Australia since the Bank Nationalisation Case.  People with better memories than mine say the fees for top silks then ranged from about $2200 to $3000 a day.  I doubt that inflation would bring those fees to $25 to $30,000 a day now.

There is not I think anything new in this problem – that really comes down to PR – which lawyers are not supposed to be there for.

We need to recall that we subscribe to the notion of free markets.  We have resisted fixing fees for lawyers.  In 1985, I was retained by the Victorian government to draw a bill for an act of parliament to set up a regime to fix legal fees.  (I had once settled a maintenance case in the Magistrates’ Court with John Cain, the Premier.)  The law firms killed that off – they said we would lose business to Sydney!  There are scales of fees in the lower courts but not for big cases.  That means that the winner rarely gets back the lot of their costs.  The shortfall in big cases could wipe most people out.  Even when they win, they lose.

Experienced lawyers whose judgment I respect say that the highest chargers at the Bar are worth the money.  That really should not come as any surprise.  It is not just that the market is a good index of value.  The really top people get to the point more quickly and with more assurance than others. 

We might recall the libel action where Whistler sued Ruskin for libel for saying something like Whistler had tossed a pot of paint in the face of the public.  In cross examination, Whistler was asked how long it would take him to dash off one of those paintings.  ‘I might do one in an evening.’ ‘And for the work of an evening, you charge fifty guineas.’ ‘No – not for one evening, but for the experience of a lifetime.’  Picasso made a similar remark – I have a print of a drawing of a bum that consists of four lines – and there is no answer to it.

There will remain the image problem and the danger that people might think that the wealthy are better off in court because they can afford the best lawyers.  That would not be right – I hope – and it would be very unfortunate. 

There is, I think, another consequence.  Up to about twenty years ago, the bench was the destination for the best at the Bar.  The pension was the big draw card.  In part because of improved facilities for superannuation for the self-employed, and in part because of the sodality and plain hard work of life at the bench, that is no longer the case.  There has been a dramatic shift in the centre of juristic gravity from the bench back to the Bar.  If that is a problem, and I am not sure if it is, I have no idea what to do about it – or the problem of the perceived advantage of the rich.

19

But I do have very clear views on what to do about the delay in the law that troubled Hamlet.  I have expressed them – too often – before, and I will not repeat them here. 

Perhaps I may be permitted some reflections here on des temps perdus.  In 1970, I spent four months filling in for my dad as associate to Mr Justice T W Smith.  It was a great privilege that has shaped my thinking on all aspects of the law.  Smith was acknowledged to be the leading judge of his generation.  You could not have had a judgment like that in Banksia back then.  His Honour wrote his decisions at night – or standing up at a desk with a nib pen and an inkwell.  (When I had to read the typescript out loud when proofing, I was embarrassed at not knowing the names on the nominate reports; his Honour, an equity lawyer, knew them all – and their correct pronunciation.)  Of all his judgments, that which is most still in use is probably the report of a charge to the jury on acting in concert.  It covers about two pages.   The Table of Contents in Banksia covers more than six pages.  (I can recall a time when Sir Garfield Barwick was criticised for dictating his judgments – and sounding more like an advocate than a judge.)

The modern law of restitution, or unjust enrichment, started with the decision of Lord Mansfield in Moses v Macferlan.  His Lordship’s trial note book covers four pages.  (There was of course no transcript.  The English at all levels went without transcript for a very long time.  In my thirty years hearing cases, I do not think I had transcript before I gave a decision – except for a public inquiry in 1971 where I chaired a committee of a public body.)  From memory, the report of the decision in that case runs to about four pages. 

The modern law of negligence and that of product liability was set out in a judgment of Justice Cardozo in the US and an opinion of Lord Atkin in the UK.

One footnote may be permitted to these judgments.  That of Cardozo J is about ten pages in the reports; that of Atkin is about twenty one pages.  Atkin in his judgment refers to the ‘illuminating judgment’ of Cardozo, and apologises for his own ‘long judgment’.  Heaven only knows what either of these great judges would have thought of the effusive fulminations of the doom-thunderers of nowadays.

The footnoted essayists of those Ph D theses standing for judgments now might wish to contemplate the dilemma.  If they are not saying anything new, they may be wasting their and our time.  If they are saying something new, they will almost certainly leave us all worse off – unless they are up there with Cardozo and Atkin – which will certainly not be the case.

May I, however, offer one suggestion prompted by our new found respect for the intervention of parliament?  The judges could, without further ado, invoke the fine language and the high purpose of the Civil Procedure Act by immediately confronting a cause of delay in litigation that has defied Magna Carta and bedevilled the people for centuries – judges reserving judgments too often and for too long.  Justice delayed is justice denied.  

The court could publish a running list of reserved judgments and put in place a process to deter judges from having any more than one judgment outstanding at any time and for reserving any judgment for longer than two weeks. 

This legislation, which I had thought was crass window dressing, was passed with quite express purposes – to reform and modernise procedure, and to provide for the efficient, timely, and cost-effective resolution of the real issues in dispute.  If the judges get serious and seek to advance those purposes themselves, they could send a signal, as the politicians are wont to say, to both punters and lawyers that the traffic in either exhortation or reform is not one way. 

Then we might all give thanks to that noble English judge who concluded a judgment with the words: ‘I hope I have not said anything original.’  (Even if he did borrow the term from a knighted alpinist from Eton and Cambridge in a lecture given in 1903.)

OK – this is a cliché, and I know what George Orwell said about them, but with the best will in the world, I can’t resist this one.  It’s about time the judges took some of their own medicine.  They’re sure ready enough to hand it out to the rest of us. 

20

In the paper Jesting Pilate that I referred to above, Sir Owen Dixon quoted Hamlet, without ascription, in talking about men of action and lawyers.  It is worth setting out what that great lawyer said at some length.

Unlike men responsible for immediate action, we have all the advantages which dialectical discussion can give; by the ordinary legal process relevant facts and circumstances can be made to appear, and we have time, if not leisure, in which to reach our decisions and prepare our reasons.  If truth is an attribute which can be ascribed to a purely legal conclusion, it should be within our reach.

These are very different conditions from those in which the man of action is often placed.  For the strength of such a man lies in his anterior equipment of knowledge and in experienced and wise but courageous intuitive judgment.  The native hue of resolution cannot be sicklied o’er with the pale caste of thought.  Enterprises of great pith and moment must not, with this regard, their currents turn awry and lose the name of action.

Sir Owen was not suggesting that the man of action has no place in the law.  Action is what need now, together with ‘experienced and wise but courageous intuitive judgment’. 

The reference to courage is not an accident.  Clausewitz said a lot that applies to us.

War is the realm of danger; therefore courage is the soldier’s first requirement.  Courage is of two kinds: courage in the face of personal danger, and courage to accept responsibility, either before the tribunal of some outside power or before the court of one’s own conscience… …The role of determination is to limit the agonies of doubt and the perils of hesitation when the motives for inaction are inadequate…Determination proceeds from a special type of mind, a strong mind rather than a brilliant one….Presence of mind is nothing but an increased capacity of dealing with the unexpected ….A strong character is one that will not be unbalanced by the most powerful emotions.  Strength of character does not consist solely in having powerful feelings, but in maintaining one’s balance in spite of them.

We as a profession, bar and bench, have not given enough attention to the role of character, courage and determination in what we do – it is the ‘courage to accept responsibility’ that lies at the heart of any true profession. 

Our failure to find that courage is, I fear, at the heart of our failure overall in our profession.  It is a failure of nerve.

21

Finally, in 2008, I got a shock to read the blurbs that the publisher had extracted from my book, The Making of a Lawyer, What they didn’t teach you in Law School.  They read as follows.

Litigation is a legalised form of gambling that most people cannot afford.

It is notorious that the greatest professional hazard for lawyers, apart from greed and arrogance, is bullshit.

As a profession we have to do something about the level of fear that is constricting our professional lives and usefulness.  We are increasingly looking like the timid inmates of an anal hierarchy that has turned in on itself.

And since then, it has been downhill all the way – and it’s about time that we said that the carnival is over.

REFERENCES

Dutch historian: J Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages, Folio, 1998, 1, 7.

Collapse of Banksia: all references to the evidence come from the judgment of John Dixon, J in Bolitho v Banksia (2021) VSC 666 (11 October, 2021).

Judgment hall: Owen Dixon, Jesting Pilate, Law Book Co., 1965, 10.

Magna Carta: Imperial Acts Application Act, 1958, s. 3.

Mansfield: E Heward, Lord Mansfield, Universal Law Pub., 1998, 47-48.

Oldham figures: James Oldham,The Mansfield Manuscripts, U N C P, 1992, 122.

Judicial anaemia and justifying the law: C H S Fifoot, Lord Mansfield, Oxford, 1936, 52, 231.

Theft: Crimes Act, 1958, ss 72 ff.

Bill of Rights in our law: Imperial Acts Application Act, above.

Costs in judgment: par. 1774.

Travails of Hamlet: Hamlet, 3.1.71-73.

Jack Cade: Henry VI, Part II, 4.2.75.

Ringside perspective: pars.2139-2140.

Damage in the public eye: par. 2123.

Proceedings necessary to uncover fraud: par. 2051.

Clausewitz quote: On War, Folio Society, 2001, 587(Book 8, Chapter, 2).

Costs in Taxation Division: Damon v Commissioner of Land Tax (1985) I VAR 130.  In that case, after a two day hearing, I directed the taxpayer to pay the costs of counsel for the Commissioner – $650 on the appropriate County Court scale for brief, conference and one refresher – ‘the cross-examination of an 83-year old widow on behalf of the revenue is likely to be at once delicate and dangerous.’

Proportionality of costs to loss: This was canvassed at great length at the hearing.  It is very involved.  For example, at pars. 2043 to 2045, we get:

Proportionality and avoidance of duplication is also evident from the estimated quantum of costs incurred by the SPR to date, which is approximately half of the costs incurred by the Contradictor. I have observed that throughout the remitter, the SPR has selected from his legal team only those who are appropriate to deal with the issues then before the court.

That being said, I find it deeply regrettable that more than $10 million in legal costs has been necessarily expended from debenture holders’ funds for the Contradictor and the SPR. When I was first allocated the remitter my expectation of the work that might be involved was substantially less than that. The substantial costs incurred is a consequence, all too commonly observed in civil litigation, of parties having to respond to the attitude and approach adopted by the losing party…. A real sense remains that the Contraveners might have already dissipated their assets in the cost of their defence, to the detriment of debenture holders.

See the remarks of Claudius in Hamlet below.

Court of Appeal on Contradictor: Botsman v Bolitho (No.1) (2018) 57 VR 68, par. 336.  At pars. 339-346, the Court looked at the potential liability of others standing behind the defendants.

Previously expressed views: The Cancer in Litigation (1997) 103 Victorian Bar News, 26; 104 Victorian Bar News 24; 105 Victorian Bar News 23; Once were Lawyers (1999) 73 Australian Law Journal 52; Fusion or Fission? (2000) 20Australian Bar Review 70; Unfair Trials (2001) 75 Law Institute Journal 72; Horses for Courses: Warlords as Peacemakers: Are Trial Lawyers Bad for ADR? (2002) 68Arbitration 1 (London); Judicial Overservicing: Bringing Home the Bacon (2002) Victorian Bar News 46; Bush Lawyers (2004) 128 Victorian Bar News, Autumn 26; Positive or Negative? The Attitude of Lawyers (2004) ADR Bulletin, Vol 6 No.10, 198; Is Mediation getting on the nose?  Are the judges killing mediation?(2005) ADR Bulletin, Vol.7, No.6, 106; Surviving the Law, Victorian Bar News,2006; Talking with Liars and Bullies, 140 Victorian Bar News, Autumn 2007, 41: Does the Bar Matter? Victorian Bar News, 2008; and The Law of Evidence and the Mess We Are In, (2021) 169 Victorian Bar News 50-53.

Acting in concert:  R v Lowery and King (No. 2) (1970) VR 560.

Moses v Macferlan: (1760) 2 Burr. 1005; the trial notes may be seen in Oldham, above, 170-174.

Cases on negligence: Macpherson v Buick Manufacturing (1916) 217 NY 582; Donoghue v Stevenson (1932) A C 562.

One footnote: my The Common Law, Scholarly Publishing, 2012, 66.

Saying something original: Lord Steyn in Mannai Ltd v Eagle Star Assurance Co Ltd [1997] 2 WLR 945 at 966.

Dixon on Hamlet: Jesting Pilate, above, 10.  A student I am mentoring kindly drew my attention to some remarks of Claudius in Hamlet:

In the corrupted currents of this world
Offence’s gilded hand may shove by justice,
And oft ’tis seen the wicked prize itself
Buys out the law….(3.3.57-60).

The Making of a Lawyer – What they didn’t teach you at Law School: Hardie Grant, 2008.